The criminalization of politicians

Image: Feson Xie


The 2013 Journeys opened the door for the shamed right

From redemocratization until 2013, the Brazilian right was practically isolated in two fields: one sheltered under patrimonialism and the other anchored in apparently folkloric and histrionic figures isolated within legislative life. And that changes radically in 2013.

Demonstrations that originally emerged in Rio de Janeiro against the 20-cent increase in bus fares soon turned into demonstrations against the government, evolved into demonstrations against “the politicians” and culminated in the inclusion of political parties in this agenda. In a short time, the right realized this wide avenue that opened up to it, where several characteristics of fascism were apparent and included in the demonstrations the fight for a Bill that would give more powers to the Public Prosecutors.

With this very lively and powerful picture, two other questions were born that were fundamental in the foundations of the current Bolsonarist right. The impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff and the beginning of Lava Jato, two milestones in the criminalization of politicians, especially left-wing politicians and more especially PT politicians.

The picture was more than ready for that right that ideologically hid itself for fear of being branded and stigmatized by the left and by libertarians as ignorant and backward, starting to take an unhealthy pride in the positions it defended and with the growth of Tupiniquim fascism, reborn green yellow in the demonstrations against Dilma Rousseff, like every fascist project needs idolatry, the figure of the “Myth” was created where the exponent of the extreme right consolidates itself as national leadership of the various shades of the right and invests heavily in the fanaticization of the masses.

Exploring two fears instilled in the subconscious of the Brazilian middle class, one coming from the Christian background, which is “the fear of communism” (although the masses barely know what communism is) and the one of personal and family security where supposedly the left would support the criminal activity, a thesis created by the right in Rio de Janeiro in the 1980s to combat Leonel Brizola, the right manages to revive the concept of a “savior of the homeland and family values”.

Returning to the 2013 conferences, another factor that contributed significantly to the paving of the field for the right to walk, whether consciously or not, was the work of groups of Black Blocks who would theoretically act “to defend the protesters from police brutality” and for anarchist actions such as the depredation of financial institution headquarters. These actions, which turned into generalized depredations and attacks even on journalists, such as the one who was fatally injured by an explosive, a “mortar”, and consolidated fear of the left in the general population.

Everything else, which occurred in the process of the arrival of the right, especially the extreme right, to power, was born, in our opinion, in the so-called days of July 2013, which were actually a kind of Marches with God for the Family and for Freedom, turbocharged and disguised in a version 2.0.

And today the conscious society must also learn from this so that there are no repetitions or revivals. It is up to the left to learn that it is not enough to win elections and come to power. That it is necessary to massively educate and inform the population about politics correctly, because this right that is “wounded”, but still very much alive, does not create scenarios where it reappears to “save Brazil”.

Segadas Vianna is a journalist.

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