By TARSUS GENUS*
The strategic readiness of the rich and evil: land in a trance
The Bolsonaro government is changing. Is very. It is necessary that the leaders of the democratic field, the left and that contingent of the state bureaucracy that have not yet surrendered to the dystopia of the global and national extreme right, pay attention to this process of change: from rebel against the “establishment” with fascist convictions and homicides, spontaneously revealed -supported by the upper middle classes and by the national business community displaced from political influence in the State by globalization- Bolsonaro transitions to a fundamental agreement with global financial capital, through the “centrão”, with the support of the reserve military that make up your government. Glauber Rocha would capture this in a definitive new film.
Its internal political partners are now in the “centre” – a political anemone that grows and shrinks, according to the needs of the political physiologism of the regional oligarchies. These constituted the responsible political base, which participated and guaranteed the stability of all governments after 88, with a fundamental difference. With the current support for the Bolsonaro Government, which does not have political cadres with the slightest capacity to manage the State, it can acquire them from the most experienced “liberal” fractions of oligarchic-bourgeois domination in Brazil, the same ones that elected them and designed the coup against President Dilma.
It is obvious that the "nature" of the President only adapts to these circumstances and that the "reservations" of a fraction of the "media party" regarding the homicidal and destructive behavior of the President are not reservations originating from ethical-political principles. moral, come from an attempt to civilize it to bring it – in a docile way – to the field of ultraliberal reforms without restrictions. It is in this small space of editorial freedom that several professional journalists work, decently, to point out the health, environmental, moral and political, which devastate the country.
The internal tentacles of this liberal reformist agreement are centered on the liquidation of what we have as a Welfare State, on the radical revision of environmental protection policies and on the delivery of the Amazon to the exploitation of agribusiness, a strategy that has the support of a large majority of the National Congress . And the current Congress will probably not be the worst when they elect the next one, as Ulysses Guimarães used to say. In this scenario, the presentation of any program for the reconstruction of the country, which is serious, is urgent, but it is necessary to draw attention – so that the democratic and popular field can resume the initiative – that we pay attention to two key aspects of the complicated situation we are going through .
I think that the destruction of the State's public functions, the liquidation of social legislation, the advance of privatism over state structures, the encouragement of huge social groups that become entrepreneurs of themselves, the business networks of services, consultancies and outsourcing of the sector public, form a more unequal society with more concentrated income. It is undeniable, however, that they form -also- in their most favored sectors, a new base of social and political support for rentier liberalism, including the informative manipulation of its sub-values, whose seductive capacity will be accommodated in the culture of post-modernity and post-truth.
The two questions: first, that the financial reform and political reform of the State, which are necessary -to chart new paths for the Welfare State of 88- are constitutional reforms that need 2/3 of Congress and this qualified majority – from the center -left – will not compose in the next elections; second, that the majority that will be formed in the next period – in society and in the Legislative Power – will still be dependent on those political forces that present some way out of the current crisis, whether by authoritarian or democratic means, because the peace that succeeds the despair has no ideology, it is based only on overcoming the dramatic insecurity left by the previous state of the art. It is the land of Brazil in a trance for the even worse.
All of this is happening when it was already thought that the Bolsonaro body would be at rest – in the candid space of the policy of destruction of the Welfare State – and dirty money and much more appear in the cracks of human and state physiology: the proposals of accused sportsmen of rape, which rely on the support of the nation's political Magistrate; the political and religious correction of stories for “naughty” children (Cláudia Laitano, Donna ZH de 17\18, pg.11); the return of Minister Guedes -in his bid as a pasty reformist master- supposedly saying that the CPMF is not a tax reform, but a qualifying eschatology of his own vision of financial economy. (Perhaps it is not true that Minister Guedes exclaimed, loud and clear, that the CPMF is “shit”, but at least it is acceptable to think that this could be the designation of the very nature of the Government that hired him) .
These are small symptoms, it is true, that add nothing to the concept of a Government whose President celebrates torture, adopts a genocidal policy -due to the way it has been dealing with the advance of the Pandemic and the destruction of our natural environment- and which does not hide, in its foreign policy, an anti-country posture, of indecent kneeling before the racist, misogynistic, manipulative and compulsive liar, President of the United States.
All this, however, is politically linked to Bolsonaro's vote in the “impeachment” of President Dilma, which crossed the limits of civilization and threw Brazil into the darkness of the Middle Ages. From there -because Bolsonaro was applauded by the majority of the traditional media and by his future voters- and not pre-emptively arrested, anything would be possible. It is impossible for him to arrive sovereign, with the complacency or adherence of the state's high bureaucracy and the conservative majority of Congress, which is on the lookout for its booty in the conquest of the state.
The question, therefore, continues to be the unity of democratic oppositions, with a minimum program proposed by the left, to block the crisis and quickly improve people's daily lives. Transition program that can be applied at the initiative of the next Executive, with support from the popular classes, simple majorities in the legislative houses, that reconquer the hearts of the masses for democracy, solidarity and Justice. Next year may be too late, as the alliance of Bolsonarism in defection with the political center, the majority of the high state bureaucracy, big global capital and the constellation of the media oligopoly, can open a right-wing stability, with political legitimacy to kill at will and settle the reign of the rich and evil of all species and social classes.
I draw attention that in the current period, with its contradictions, dissent and deformities – which always occur in dystopian periods – the institution of the State, which has been demonstrating minimal resistance to the totalitarian aggressions of the fascist mob that constitutes a good part of the political power in the Union, is the Federal Supreme Court. Its complete demoralization is a task that is assigned to the media oligopoly, which it fulfills when its supposed media penalists are thwarted by decisions that challenge their crude conceptions of Law and the Constitution. Democrats of all stripes must not fall for this trick: the public demoralization of the STF only interests the insane politicians who want to close it down, to definitively establish their reign of fear and terror.
*Tarsus in law he was Governor of the State of Rio Grande do Sul, Mayor of Porto Alegre, Minister of Justice, Minister of Education and Minister of Institutional Relations in Brazil.