By LUIS EUSTAQUIO SOARES*
There has been a war without and with quarters being waged since at least September 11, 2001, with the aim of transforming capitalism into neo-feudalism.
Panorama
With Marx and Engels, considering historical-dialectical materialism, it is always necessary to dynamically assume the epistemological perspective that it is not consciousness that determines reality and also that it is not reality in itself that determines consciousness.
To think that it is consciousness that determines reality, still in dialogue with Marx and Engels, is to believe in quixotic imaginary actions of no less quixotic imaginary subjects, converging with theology and, thus, with the sky of principles, without ballast in the social, economic and cultural relations of production, historically and materially situated.
To adopt, in turn, the principle that reality determines consciousness is to accept, still in dialogue with Marx and Engels, that history and with it civilization is a collection of dead facts, because this has been the reality of Western oligarchic materialism over the last two thousand and five hundred years: wars of plunder, enslavement, servitude and super-exploitation, colonization, genocides.
Interacting with the second and third notes presented, we have: (i) that concerns anti-realist or idealist forms of representation of the world and life, typical of the historical circumstances typical of the Western oligarchic tradition, with no relation of destiny with the totality of the social being, taking into account the concrete economic-social formations in which we are what we have effectively been, oppressors and/or oppressed, depending on the position we occupy in the unity of the contradiction of class struggles.
(ii) The third is empiricist or pseudo-realist because it cuts out and reifies historical reality, being related to forms of representation of nature and exploited social classes, marking them as vulnerable, manipulable and killable; (iii) both the second and third hide the class struggle on a planetary, national and local scale.
(iv) Both naturalize and eternalize the oppressive past in the oppressed present, disqualifying the praxis individual and collective based on the full awareness that everything is historical and, thus, changeable, transformable; (v) both are embodied respectively in the oppressor and oppressed classes (naturalizing them), in the real historical process that is at the base of their anti-realist (oligarchies, petty bourgeoisie) and pseudo-realist (the working class, when subjugated) existences.
Marxian epistemology and aesthetics are implicated, if consequential and dialectical, with the intrinsic interface, in each oligarchic era, of the relationship between anti-realism and pseudo-realism, in order to materially situate what matters in the scope of aesthetic and epistemological political economy: scientific and artistic realism, considering the objective relations of production of a given historical period.
Scientific-aesthetic materialism is, therefore, realistic, and being realistic does not in any way mean accepting existing reality. On the contrary, it means knowing and objectifying it, in its historically constituted dynamic totality, as a condition for collectively transforming it. To this end, it is essential to understand how, always objectively, anti-realist and pseudo-realist relations of production occur in societies based on polarity, oppression and exploitation of oligarchies against the majority of the population and, ultimately, against ecosystems as well.
This means what has been said: societies based on social relations of production, marked by polarity, oppression and exploitation of a minority that parasitically leeches off the majority, are alienated by the relationship between anti-realism and pseudo-realism. Realism is, therefore, censored both for the oppressor classes and for the oppressed classes. And this censorship is effective, real and objective, because it comes from the social relations of production that are at the same time, to be redundant, anti-realist (a position materially occupied by the oppressors) and pseudo-realist (a position effectively lived by the oppressed, in the immediate-lived realm, as if they were blinding their eyes with their own hands).
Since 2500 years ago, with the emergence of the oligarchy in ancient Greece, in interaction with Michael Hudson (2022), the economies of the West began to be structured around the anti-realist figure of the oligarch, who imposed on the world, from the colonial period onwards, the state of exception against peoples and nature on a planetary scale, making them impoverished and killable in a pseudo-realistic way precisely because reality (society itself) does not belong to them, although it is produced by collective work.
The dialectic between consciousness and reality presupposes more dialectics, that is, neither autonomous consciousness, as an imaginary action of imaginary anti-realist oligarchic subjects; nor reality that is no less autonomous, not to say reified as a collection of anti-realist dead facts.
The class war will always be won by the oppressors when they are the subject of anti-realism and the oppressed accept the condition of passive objects of the collection of dead facts, effectively living like zombies. Note: It is evident that, as an oppressed class, being the subject of anti-realism is a pseudo-realist chimera.
In works like Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, by Marx, Anti-Duhring by Engels, Materialism and Empiriocriticism, by Lenin, Marxian epistemology acquired its own consistency, opposing both the oligarchic-bourgeois anti-realism and the pseudo-realism of positivist sciences and aesthetics, which tend to represent nature and peoples as collections of dead facts and the oppressing classes as civilized, human, ego ideals.
Fascism in this context is not the exception, but the latent rule of the Western oligarchic system. In times of crisis or a tendency for the rate of profit to fall, it activates its agents or lumpens, in order to make them act outside the then existing anti-realist legal and institutional references or systems of appearance, imposing the collection of dead facts as the expanded rule – which in fact it always was, in contexts where oligarchic anti-realism and positivist pseudo-realism dominate, in the flesh of nature and peoples.
Western oligarchic supremacism, in the dialectic between anti-realism and pseudo-realism, imposes itself and is permanently updated by leading the no less permanent state of exception against the people. That is: it has to kill, impoverish, sacrifice, to make itself like God, in the pendulum – and in an anti-realist way – before the pseudo-realist mortals in the pillory of everyday life hijacked by the national and imperialist oligarchies.
Western elites have occupied a supposedly theological and transcendental dimension in the following way: they hide their oligarchic side by presenting themselves as aristocrats, civilized, literate, democratic, politically correct, seeking by all means to separate themselves from the collection of dead facts that they impose relentlessly on the global majority and on the biodiversity of nature, condemned to the empiricism of endless vivisection.
The main objective way of doing so, of being the oligarchic subject of general slaughter (without revealing oneself or allowing oneself to be caught red-handed) has always been through financial domination, because this guarantees the condition of a parasitic, rentier class, separated from common mortals.
Machismo, racism and the most diverse forms of homophobia have become, in the history of the oligarchic and patriarchal West, ethnic and gender variations of the collections of dead facts imposed against the working class and against nature.
The book PoeticsAristotle's work ratified, in the aesthetic field, the Western oligarchic relationship between anti-realism and pseudo-realism (idealism and empiricism) in the following way: (a) tragic-epic genre, analyzed as of and for the nobility (the oligarchs) interpreted as an aesthetic expression of the figuration, as heroes, of the humanized particularity of the warmongering oligarch male; (b) the lyrical genre (machistally feminized) reduced to the social segments that live in idleness, in the shadow of the plundering wars of the mythical sagas of the first genre; (c) comedy and the variations of the comic generally referring to the plebs, represented in a pseudo-realistic, empiricist, vulnerable, laughable, animalized, killable way.
A mimesis of the social division of labor of the aesthetic genre proposed by Aristotle, in addition to ratifying the relationship between anti-realism and pseudo-realism, hierarchizing it, it mystifies the aesthetic subject of historical action, replicating the sexist interface between active and passive. Explaining better: the supposed nobility of the tragic-epic or masculinized epic-tragic genre has as its political unconscious the ideology that only the aristocracy (in fact the oligarchy) can face destiny, that is, history, forcing the future.
In turn, the lyrical genre, as an expression of a groundless subjectivity, began to be conceived and produced as a pure escape from history. As for comedy, it tends to be expressed as an empiricist and passive genre that has served to disqualify and dehumanize the slightest possibility of the plebeian subject, as an active subject of the common destiny, of the history of everyone and no one.
From the era of European oligarchy
The oligarchs of the Western Roman Empire, by concentrating large tracts of land, led, not without many wars, the process of medieval socio-economic formation, occupying the position of feudal lords specialized in extorting rents from peasants, who were then turned into serfs. With the navigator Christopher Columbus in 1492, as well as with Vasco da Gama in 1498, the mentality, at once slave-owning and feudal, of the Western oligarchic tradition began its expansion towards and against the so-called, in contemporary times, peoples of the global majority, henceforth conceived epistemologically (and aesthetically) as killable, pseudo-realists, potentially servants and newly enslaved.
The colonialist commercial expansion of Western Europe spread its supremacist tradition throughout the world, updating the relationship between imaginary subjects, with their imaginary actions; and the collections of killable fact-peoples, potentially (and genocidated in acts) turned into their new servants and enslaved.
The oligarchic West (a redundancy in itself), in its Greco-Roman era, was logocentric (Logos, the word, the thought, the breath of God), as it made oligarchic prosody a divinely imaginary solution in a mythical interface with transcendental, heroic, divine ancestry.
The European colonialist, capitalist and imperialist periods were fundamentally graphocentric, dividing the world between the literate (wise, intellectual, scientist…) and the illiterate (unproductive, ignorant, naive), literate and illiterate.
From an anthropological-cultural point of view, Western Christocentric white skin has become the measure of all things. The other or alterity (the non-Western) has transformed into non-white ethnicities, with black skin occupying an antipodal position; and has become the other of the other or the alterity of alterities, in relation to the indigenous non-white alterities of Latin America, North Africa, Asia, and Oceania.
The European colonial-capitalist-imperialist expansion, therefore, was responsible for the absolute killable condition of black people, enslaving them and making them the criterion of “killability” for all other alterities, not only ethnic, but also gender, economic, cultural, non-literate, religious..
In the Western supremacist oligarchic tradition, the working class, enslaved, subservient, overexploited, and dehumanized, has always been and is killable. Western colonialism has typified it in black skin. This observation is important because it is essential not to be taken in by the dominant Zionist ideology of the era of North American domination, which unrealistically separates gender, ethnicity, and class, inventing hypocritical and no less unrealistic categories such as the one regarding the supposed intersection between race, gender, and class, which never effectively takes into account social class, that of the killable, that of the non-oligarchic, that of the global majority that also includes the white, heterosexual working class, especially those in countries that have become countries of killable peoples, of late modernization, such as those in Latin America, for example; and also the central countries of the US-European imperialist axis.
From the point of view of realist epistemology, there is identity and there is otherness in dialectical relationship in society and in nature. The first is that which can be visualized, identified, designated. For example, a rosebud. The second concerns the general law of movement; a universal and omnipresent law because everything that supposedly is ceases to be permanently, at the subatomic, microscopic level, as well as at the macro, cosmological level.
Everything is, first and foremost, alterity of itself; a rosebud is its becoming flower, which becomes a seed, which… The model of realization of the European oligarchic system imposed itself as a unique identity, colonizing all forms of alterity, including the European ones, forced, to dialogue with the book Black skin, white masks by Frantz Fanon, to mimic the masks of Eurocentric oligarchic identity, in order to avoid being conceived as collections of pseudo-realistic dead facts, since being otherness came to be seen as inferior, sacrificial, killable.
An observation
Considering that the main alterity of the Western oligarchic system, since Greco-Roman antiquity, has been and is the working class, extorted on a planetary scale from the European capitalist system, it is necessary to remember that the latter was not homogeneous, as nothing else is. Within it, the working class gradually became a revolutionary class, with a view to constituting itself as a collective subject to dispute the future from the present.
In this context, it became the secular and immanent reference for the emergence of Marxist thought, based on the scientific principle (yes, Marxism is the science of the human sciences) that history, because it is always in motion, because it is marked by the class struggle, is not a set of imaginary anti-realist actions of imaginary subjects, nor is it a collection of pseudo-realist dead facts.
The era of the European oligarchy was not, therefore, one-dimensional. It witnessed class struggles led by the other-in-chief, the labor struggles, such as those of 1848 and 1871, those of the revolutionary bourgeoisie itself, and also those that were expressed as religious struggles, having been fundamentally unconscious expressions of peasant class struggles at the end of the Middle Ages.
It was this Europe of working-class and even bourgeois alterities (in its revolutionary phase, with the Enlightenment) that became the reference for the anti-colonial revolutions of the 20th century, such as, still in the colonial period, that of Latin American Bolivarianism, with its anti-colonial Enlightenment of the Great Homeland, as well as those of the Soviets, the Chinese, the Vietnamese, the North Koreans, and the Cubans in the 20th century. It was, finally and in the beginning, the Europe of the secular, multipolar, labor-based Eurasia, of the multipolar majority of today.
In Book VII of To Republic, with the allegory of the cave, Plato anticipated what would become the system of mimesis (representation) of the Eurocentric oligarchy. To address the relationship between education and ignorance, with Socrates as the narrator-character, he described a cave where prisoners (imprisoned since childhood, tied by the legs and necks) were condemned to look only forward. Behind them, there was a hill with a bonfire; and between them and the bonfire, there was an ascending road that led to the outside (sunlight), with people passing by and carrying all kinds of objects, animals.
All that the condemned see are images projected at the back of the cave. These images would be the simulacrum, the copy of the copy or the form of false knowledge of the foolish, ignorant. However, if they left the cave and saw the sunlight, they could see the world and its beings, with the sun as a metaphor for Being, and with it for good, beauty and justice. The oligarchy of the Eurocentric era presented itself to the colonized world as Being itself, the beautiful, the good and the just, representing (mimesis) the global majority as the historical-geographical site of the simulacrum, of the copy of the copy, of ignorance, of those condemned to the “cave” of inferiority, far away as they would be from the Western oligarchic sun. It is, therefore, a form of mimesis which has metaphor as a figure of speech because it is based on comparison: the sun or the being or the European oligarchy and its copies and simulacra.
From the era of the American oligarchy
The numerous religious wars that occurred in Europe during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were a symptom of the end of medieval relations of production and the emergence of new Western oligarchic productive forces that would later lead the economic and social formation of capitalism, based on: (1) the primitive accumulation of capital on the spoils of the medieval world, with hell being laid in the slaughter of peasants in particular.
(2) The need for national unity, which is why principalities and fiefdoms should be, if not destroyed, remodeled around a single sovereign, such as the king, in order to begin colonial expansion from their countries as the second form of primitive accumulation of capital, at the expense of the global majority. In this context, allegorically reproducing the flight of the Jews from Egypt through the Red Sea and manipulated by the British Crown, the arrival of the first European Pilgrims in the so-called New World, on the ship Mayflower, in Massachusetts in 1620 defined in perspective the advent of the North American era of the Western oligarchy, considering the following particularity: the escape from the class struggle, in view of the myth of Manifest Destiny for the conquest of the Holy Land, with the return of a pre-Adamic exceptionalism, paradoxically in the future of a cinematic illusion/catharsis.
In the relationship between a pre-Adamic exceptionalism projected into the future of Manifest Destiny, with the present extended (human history itself) as an instrument of manipulation that is both anti-realist and pseudo-realist, the axiom of the era of the American oligarchy became: naked money (dollars), that is, without limits of any kind; and naked labor, in two interrelated senses: any work is work for naked money, work of endless wars, work of looting, work of prostitution, of dictators, torturers, Nazis, work of manipulating desires, hopes; all forms of work that exist and will exist must not offer the slightest resistance or limit to the endless vortex of the naked dollar, which translated into practice with the “work” of genocide of the “red skins” and the transformation of the war of extermination into a cinematic genre, the Western.
One trait that distinguishes Yankee oligarchic capitalism from European capitalism is closely related to the fact that it was simultaneously meta-Western (the oligarchy of oligarchies of the West, since ancient Greece), meta-capitalist and meta-imperialist. As an ultra-imperialist, it occupied and continues to occupy a dominant position (a balcony oligarchy) in relation to the contradictions of class struggles occurring within countries such as England, France and Germany. Taking advantage of its political-geographical exceptionalism (the Atlantic and Pacific, separating them from Europe), it manipulated behind the scenes the political-military disputes between the main European powers, while at the same time seeking by all means to prevent workers (blacks and whites, above all) from uniting within its territory, anticipating, manipulating and managing the division between the black and white working class, for example, by fomenting and financing supremacist militias such as the Ku Klux Klan.
Following the immanent and absolutely pragmatic principle of the naked dollar and having as its naked labor the very cultural-material history of humanity, this constant capital, the American oligarchy has developed as a revisionist of everything that exists, has ever existed. Unlike Moses, who prohibited the cult of images, it has made and continues to make the cult of images the basis of its strategic complex of planetary cultural domination, edited and re-edited endlessly as the quintessence of anti-realism, transforming reality into pseudo-realism to be fought, attacked, vilified, and genocidated.
If the era of the strictly European oligarchy was graphosphere-like, dividing the world into literate and illiterate, the American one became iconosphere-like in the process, and it is no coincidence, by the way, that it made the cultural industry a fundamental pillar of its hegemony, whether in the era of television or in the era of interconnected physical infrastructures (fiber optics, satellite, cable, etc.) hardware, from software) of telematics. It thus assumed the vanguard of the materiality of the means of cultural production, transforming culture into a means of producing endless cults to the “golden calves” of the naked dollar, at the expense of naked labor, because within it everything that shines in an anti-realistic way is fetishized as if gold were, Being in its quintessence, sufficient reason (or its absolute lack), as it came to pass, to break with the ballast in physical gold, in fact.
The era of the hegemony of the American oligarchy is divided into creditor and debtor. In the first case, that of social welfare, there was productive capitalism and there was a working class. There was also, from the 60s onwards, the desire of some European countries, such as France, to leave its sphere of domination; and, yes, there was the USSR, real socialism. In this context, as a response to the “golden calf”, the USA published, as a product of its cultural industry, the following powerful biopolitical weapon: the invention of youth, with its epicenter in the French “May 68”, a color revolution against the France of General Charles de Gaulle.
The biopolitical invention of semi-secular, anarchic, empowered and sexually unrepressed youth defines the “golden calf” of the welfare phase of the Yankee oligarchic hegemony. From now on, in its immanent (corporeal) revisionist dimension, the left of previous revolutions, in all quadrants of the Earth, has been transformed into something old, anachronistic, outdated and authoritarian (not to say totalitarian), with the “new left” not “trusting anyone over thirty”, to recall the song by Marcos Valle and Paulo Sérgio do Valle from 1971, right at the time of day, in an anti-realist way, as has been typical of the Brazilian petite bourgeoisie.
In the Brazilian context, Tropicalism and the so-called Marginal Poetry became a copy of the copy of the “golden calves” of the wayward American youth, with its empowered, vain, irrationalists and anarchists embodied in the romantic-reactionary lifestyle of the time, as is the case with Caetano Veloso, who composed the song that symbolized this phase of Uncle Sam’s oligarchic hegemony in the country, “É proibir” (It is forbidden to prohibit), from 1968; and the poet Paulo Leminski, with his stripped-down poetry, marked by a lyrical voice convergent with the typical subjectivity of the typical subjective historical-social circumstances typical of wayward youth.
The system mimesisof the era of the American oligarchy is not Platonic, it does not interact in the world through comparative, metaphorical relations, but through the use of metonymic procedures. It would be more accurate to designate it as Aristotelian, Poetics, work in which the mimesis is demarcated by the relationship between the gender and social position of the characters or lyrical voice, in the case of the poem, with forms of subjectivity linked to class position. Let us think about it from two categories: commodity fetishism and reification.
In the first case, the basis is metaphorical because it presupposes the “such as” at the time of tribal fetishism; in the second, in turn, what is at stake is the displacement of the totality towards its autonomous parts. In this context, the aforementioned song by Caetano Veloso can only superficially be analyzed as a protest against the military dictatorship or AI-5. It is, above all, a reification of the being of the era of Yankee youth, the being of being or the reification of reification.
The consequence of the preceding observation radically distinguishes the model of realization, via mimesis, from the European to the North American period. The latter captures otherness and multiplies it in a reified way, marking it as the presence (or not) of the Being of the oligarchic era of Uncle Sam. The former, in turn, condemning otherness to the condition of simulacra, inferiorizes and dehumanizes it.
The European model is in no way better or worse than the American one. They are distinct and should therefore be analyzed dialectically, with Uncle Sam's model standing out as a more advanced and dynamic process of subsumption/capture than the Eurocentric one, in addition to being carried out within the scope of culture or the means of production of “golden calves” of the cultural industry of the Yankee oligarchy. Culture itself is thus reified, separated from the economic and social dimension, which is why, from a collective point of view and based on the real economic dimension, poverty, violence, racism, and genocide, in a pseudo-realistic manner, dominate relentlessly against the people and life on Earth, with the tendency to hide/forget the memory of the realistic class struggles led by the subaltern classes.
The second phase of US hegemony is the current one, the era of unproductive, parasitic credit card ultra-imperialism. Unlike the first, in this one the process of reification/capture of otherness intensifies, multiplies, acquiring a messianic dimension, with two axes: (i) the return to Mayflower (movement to the pre-Adamic past) with gender and ethnic alterities reified and transformed into the new Pilgrims of the Holy Land and, as such, untouchable, pure (puritan), transcendental essences of the Western anti-realist Being.
(ii) The projection/actualization of the imaginary of Old testment, Thunder God, led by the popularly pseudo-realistic neo-Pentecostalism, projected towards the future, without fear of “dirtying one’s hands with blood in the holy wars” of the present, in an empirical way on the plane of immediate experience.
Considering the relationship between naked dollar/naked labor and the cinema effect of the strategic complex of American domination, the era of debtor ultra-imperialism set up a left-wing studio and a right-wing studio, with the purpose of transforming the real class struggle between the working class and the owners of the means of production into a messianic struggle between Puritans and neo-Pentecostals, with the former occupying the place of the working-class left and the latter replacing the party representation of the bourgeoisie with a direct, populist alliance between the leader (the shepherds of the golden calves) and the people of God of Israel, in the Judeo-Christian context; or the leader and the people in a holy war for the conquest of the Great Caliphate, with regard to the manipulation of Arab eschatology historically carried out by the British (early 20th century) and American (especially from Ronald Reagan to the present) oligarchies.
We have thus arrived at the era of the left. fake (puritan) and right wing fake (libertarian) with some differences between the two eschatologies of the oligarchy of American domination: the first, as anti-realist, is embodied in the Platonic idea as an untouchable copy of the Yankee sun; the second, as pseudo-realist, assumes itself as a simulacrum, a herd of swine; the first, without direct relation to any form of religion, conceives itself however as sacred, divine; the second, being evangelical, neo-Pentecostal, jihadist…, is in practice profane, lying, artificial, dissimulated; the first believes in the being-copy of Being, in the truth of its essentialist identity (copy); the second maintains distance, knows how to manipulate, is absolutely pragmatic.
From domination through culture
In the book The ideological advantage, the Venezuelan philosopher and poet Ludovico Silva developed the concept of ideological surplus value, different from the classical category of surplus value. While the latter concerns the economic extraction, in the form of profit, income and interest, of the surplus labor of the worker, the former extracts “the ideological surplus value that translates as unconscious slavery to the system. […] In short, it is a surplus of mental energy that capitalism appropriates.” (SILVA, 2013, p.182)
It is this surplus of mental energy, both individual and collective, that is appropriated by the United States through its cultural industry on a global and multitudinous scale. Platforms such as Netflix, Amazon, HBO Max, among others, they capture and transmit films from all over the world, extracting ideological surplus value from them by integrating them into the sphere of the dominant oligarchic culture of leftism and rightism fake.
A similar situation occurs, in real time, with users of stories from different platforms like WhatsApp, Facebook, Instagram, reinforcing the ideological separation between segments of the woke culture and neo-Pentecostalism, boosting them through algorithms and Artificial Intelligence, this tool of infinite revisionist power that captures the ideological surplus value of realist culture and science, transforming them into anti-realists, if they can be at the service of American oligarchic domination; or pseudo-realists, especially when they are related to national sovereignty and the emergence of multipolar civilization.
And speaking of this, it is common to hear and read everywhere that the oligarchy of ideological-cultural surplus value is bankrupt, with the emergence of China, which has surpassed the USA economically; and Russia, which has surpassed it militarily. With the advent of the Fourth Industrial Revolution, the concept of productive forces has become more complex, especially considering the areas of biotechnology and nanotechnology, which enhance the reconfirmation of nature (and with it, of life) and matter; and the cosmological dimension, with the colonization of outer space occurring before our eyes, with oligarchs such as Elon Musk and Jeff Bezos at the forefront.
Domination by culture, particularity soft of Yankee hegemony, finds new war scenarios. It is not correct to say that the US has lost this battle. On the contrary. The global majority needs to assert itself in a realistic way, uniting and accumulating forces to face what is at stake, from the point of view of the Western oligarchy, in a similar way to what followed with the protagonism of the new oligarchs of the declining Roman Empire: the establishment of feudal relations of production, with the oligarchs, with their war booty, transforming themselves into feudal lords.
There has been, in short, a war without and with quarters that has been going on since at least September 11, 2001, with the aim of transforming capitalism into neo-feudalism. The project for a new American century is not only not over or defeated, but also and above all it proposes to be totally different from the industrial society of the XNUMXth century.
Cultural self-sufficiency accompanied by the conquest of public ownership of the new means of production of sovereign collective culture is therefore essential in order to prevent the extortion of ideological surplus value.
*Luis Eustáquio Soares is a full professor in the Department of Letters at the Federal University of Espírito Santo (UFES). Author of, among other books, The society of integrated control (Edufes).
Reference
ECHEVERRIA, Bolivar. Critique of capitalist modernity. La Paz, 2011.
ENGELS, Friedrich; MARX, Karl. the german ideology. Translated by Rubens Enderle, Nelio Schneider, Luciano Cavini Martorano. New York: Routledge, 2007.
Lenin, Vladimir. Materialism and Empiriocriticism. Critical Notes on a Reactionary Philosophy. Buenos Aires: Ediciones Estudio, 1973.
KARL, Marx. Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy. Translated by Florestan Fernandes. New York: Routledge, 2008.
MARX, Karl; ENGELS, Friedrich. communist manifesto. Translated by Alvaro Pina and Ivana Jinkings. New York: Routledge, 2010.
SILVA, Ludovico. The ideological advantage. Translated by Maria Ceci Araújo Mosocsky. Florianópolis: Editora Insular, 2013.
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