The Flordelis-Witzel era

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By TARSUS GENUS*

The hell that awaits us

The “Inferno so feared” is a story by Onetti that stimulated me for this text, although it deals with suffering in the love relationships of an unhappy couple. The layers, groups and social classes, in the formation of the democratic State in the modern industrial era, are educating their intellectual elites, their leaders of reference, their “employees” of the hegemony and the suffering of others – their technicians of social control and of production – according to the struggles waged by clashing interests. The cultural and moral beacons of these struggles are clearer when their class interests are more transparent and linked to the idea of ​​progress.

When the way of life, the productive system and the forms of domination become old - to support the capitalist sense of progress - the sphere of stable and serene politics of classical bourgeois democracy shakes. Its foundations are weakened and society is open to adventurers, criminals and organized banditry as a political organization. Flordelis and Witzel are certainly not the same thing, but they are two coins on the same side.

We will never know in detail which political and even extralegal mechanisms allowed the possible illegalities committed by Governor Witzel to surface. I make this statement because the consistent monocratic decision of the Minister Rapporteur – filled with all the technical requirements required for the case – focused on an elected Governor, who decided to carry out, under his command, summary executions of suspects, in the beards of all the institutions of the Republic . And he did so – as has been widely reported – without any consistent response from the Public Prosecutor's Office, which makes his removal order an extreme, but courageous and adequate, “consideration” of the situation of structural maladjustment that crosses our democracy.

I have the hypothesis that the murder of suspects, therefore, “unifies” the political field of Bolsonarism, of which Witzel is a guarantor and origin. And that the power exercised over money – from the exercise of Government – ​​“disjoins” this same field. Thus, political necrophilia “gathers” people from Bolsonarism and the exercise of state power “separates” them, because it tends to reward only the most restricted groups, linked to that specific instance of power.

The various groups of Bolsonarism therefore established a key alliance when they needed a certain stability to govern, although with different purposes: some wanted to establish militia power over strategic territories, a solution that is already spreading like a virus of the fascist exception, on the shelves from the radical right; others wanted to carry out reforms against the welfare state – such as Globo – and transform Guedes into an “ad hoc” Prime Minister of the President of the Federal Chamber.

As these two tasks are ongoing, but also face certain impasses – not due to the work of the disunited democratic opposition, but due to the economic and health crisis – the alternatives to face the impasses promote, among them, tough confrontations: they threaten the Pope with reforms , unearth reciprocal corruption, flood the networks with insults and slander (previously reserved only for left-wing politicians), offend journalists and press organizations (many of them their allies of yesterday), unifying, however, on fundamental issues: quotas of sacrifice to “recover” the economy must be distributed among those “from below” and the University, as the center of scientific and political intelligence of the nation, must be destroyed.

The marginal groups emerging in national politics, which control criminalized territories and equip parliamentary mandates and institutions to divert public resources – for personal and family use – dominate the political scene of Bolsonarism. He is a denialist and necrophiliac, but the internal dispute between them is not a crisis determined by these ideological assumptions. It is a crisis of forms of domination by exclusive brute force, which he intended to impose through the “little gun”.

In order to have the acceptance of the old “establishment” and of the global financial agencies, which guide the rentier elite, Bolsonaro today needs to hasten the reforms, because just as FHC is the link of Bolsonarism, supposedly civilized, with the reforms, Bolsonaro – already domesticated – must be the link between rentism and fascism. And so they complete each other.

Corruption in the traditional political sphere, which has been rife in the Brazilian state for centuries, is today aggravated by the irregularly gained legitimacy at the polls. The conquest of the State by groups of right-wing extremist intellectuals, “lumpens” businessmen, Felician order bullies (without the experience of banking negotiation halls), is now guided by aimless parties, without a program and by the religions of money, combined with criminal sects. If these groups are not attacked by in-depth police and judicial investigations, they could one day become the State itself. This is what awaits us in a society where common crime becomes the state's elite in decay and its citizens are governed by Damares, Flordelis and Weintraubs.

*Tarsus-in-law he was Governor of the State of Rio Grande do Sul, Mayor of Porto Alegre, Minister of Justice, Minister of Education and Minister of Institutional Relations in Brazil.

 

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