The left and the siege of the Lula government

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By ARTUR SCAVONE*

Take into account the national and international political situation to assess the power and capacity of action of the elected government

Several sectors and personalities of the left have demanded – in addition to the rigorous investigation and punishment of the coup acts of the last January 8th – that the Lula government immediately promote measures such as the end of the Military Police, the removal of the high command of the FFAA (cf. Vladimir Safari), the dismissal of Minister José Múcio Monteiro, the arrest of the coup leader general and other items of equal gravity (cf. Gilberto Maringoni, Breno Altman). There is no shadow of a doubt: such claims have real bases based on the simple observation of the development of recent events that led to the events of January 8th.

The overthrow of the coup attempt was a unique victory due to the ability of Lula and the leaders at his side to react quickly to the coup through an innovative civil intervention in the history of the country, as highlighted by Francisco Carlos Teixeira da Silva in an article published in the newspaper Folha de S. Paul. And – it is necessary to recognize the role of the individual in history – to the determined and courageous action of the Minister of the Federal Supreme Court, Alexandre de Moraes, who was able to largely unify the country's high court.

The division of the various bourgeois sectors caused by the factions that were reluctant to support the articulation of the coup – because they no longer identified in Jair Bolsonaro an interesting solution for their interests – and the unified action of the judiciary, placed the high command of the Armed Forces in a situation of reluctance , which prevented the military from joining the ongoing coup.

It is necessary, however, to take into account the national and international political situation in which we are involved in order to assess the power and capacity of action of the elected government. This assessment is essential for us to be able to think about proposing consequent lines of action.

Lula and Geraldo Alckmin were elected in the midst of the formation of a broad democratic front, in a difficult process. The victory was obtained with a narrow margin and there is an expressive contingent of the population enchanted with the chants of the fascist right. And we cannot disregard the advance of the right worldwide, since the attempt at the tupiniquim coup itself had articulations coming from the North American right with support from other sectors in Europe. In other words, the elected government will be under constant attack, besieged internally and externally.

It is not necessary to describe the strategy intended by the fascists, already so analyzed. But it is necessary to discuss another question: how to react to scammers? Certainly the claims with which I started this text are valid. Does anyone doubt that Lula and his close advisors are sure of the need to dismantle this right-wing structure? The real problem is not to point out these direct objectives and demand their execution, but to discuss and propose paths that build the hegemonic conditions for their realization.

If it is unquestionably true that it is necessary to investigate, investigate and condemn the coup leaders in their various dimensions, those who affirm the need for a counteroffensive beyond the institutional response are right, because it will be in the streets that the coup forces will be measured (cf. Valerio Arcary). Just as it is essential to defend the permanent structure of the political forces that constituted the democratic front (cf. popular footpath). I would also include other items: streamlining the government's sectoral conferences; reestablish the participatory budget; operationalize the forms of society's control over the State, promoting broad popular participation. In addition to facilitating the organization of social movements. Certainly, other items need to be added and structured to this proposal, but the outline of a minimum resistance program can be found in the article by Raimundo Trindade, published on the website A Terra é Redonda. This is the discussion to be had.

It is, therefore, a matter of being clear about the need to fight for political hegemony in society and, for that, the democratic front that won the elections must be the point of convergence of this process along with a broad popular mobilization. We cannot disregard the narrow victory of the last election. Only with the support of a broad movement in society will it be possible to take strong actions to dismantle the fascist right-wing coup, which does not depend solely on Lula's will.

*Arthur Scavone is a journalist and holds a master's degree in philosophy from USP.

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