the ongoing war



The extreme right formed with Centrão the agreement of “proud to be global pariahs” in the world devastated by the Pandemic

The war is on. The extreme right, here in Brazil, allied with the Centrão, needs it, the internal and – if necessary – the extreme adventure of an external War, guided by the United States, by the compulsive lies of its President, who – in agreement with our – composed a strategic agreement that rapes the nation: the “proud to be global outcasts” agreement in a world devastated by the Pandemic, which is reflected in a country – ours – that burns with flames as high as the intensity of contempt for the poor, for academia, for science, for the total destruction of the protocols of the institutions that govern us as a Republic.

Bolsonaro retreated a little in his fascism, to hold on to the flexibility of the liberals in his base, in line to respond to criminal charges for corruption. His organic militiaism prepares yours updating for the internal war and, if necessary, to throw our Armed Forces into a pro-Trump war against Venezuela.

Francisco Louçã in the seminal essay “Necropolitics, the roots of evil”, proposes a set of statements for the reinvention of democratic and social resistance – by the left – in the context of the global economic crisis, whose outputs are dominantly driven by financial capital and its public and private agents. His essay analyzes the renewed emergence of “evil”, mainly through fascism and racism, showing that “the culture of hate is social when it is racial, and it is always social even when it is not racial”. And racism, he adds, “may be its most powerful statement, because it mobilizes the repressed and provides a self-excusing accomplices” (since) “all hateful speech aims to create fear and install the unthinkable”.

Sartre said something similar, stating that the failures, the unhappy repressed, those not privileged by the system, or the privileged in search of identity, when they raise their heads from the crowd in which they live and point to someone saying “black”! – for example – they want to affirm that they exist within their moral misery and offer to participate in a herd, whose cause is the elimination of the other as different.

Adam Toole, Cambridge historian – shows Louçã – pointed out in the 2008 crisis the global financial agencies “like paramilitary death squads”, which had the complicity of most authorities, to impose policies of hunger, unemployment and impoverishment of vast sectors of the world of work, placing the entire State as an appendix to “austerity” policies. These policies, in situations of more acute crises – as in the current health crisis – need to mobilize an “anti-system” discourse, to eliminate resistance from liberal-representative democracy.

The denialist and criminal ideas exercised in the Pandemic - therefore - were not gestated within it, but already correspond to a profound mutation in the organism of the republican form of democracy, which, if before - in Latin America - it was struck from the "outside in", began to be dismantled through media manipulation, digital militias, the dissolution of the political force of State institutions, within formal law. Thus, the indeterminate criminalization of traditional political leaders must become accomplices of fascism, or they will be dragged – often even for real crimes – by the flood of criminal cases, which complement the dystopian picture, where the exception and the rule merge, like a fracture. exposed of a weakened democracy.

It is a “war policy”, which is also revealed in the new forms of political operation by the right and extreme right, in the context of political democracy, to empty it of meaning and representation. Necropolitics – based on the culture of hate – has become a universal policy of capital, through which it subordinates and “buys” parties, generates new parties and their centers of criminal intelligence – in a network – simulating that they and their networks are not political organizations. The decisive step of this authoritarian innovation, however, was the subversion of opinion formation, for the composition of new alliances, when its operators did not hesitate to position themselves – for example – as falsely “neutral” in relation to fascism. Even when “civilization x barbarism” collided in the dispute.

The classic case of this strategic cynicism was the thesis of the “difficult choice”, here in Brazil, between Haddad and Bolsonaro, because there the “evil” fascist policies received a passport to legality. Even publicly declaring their criminal intentions, the fascists were accepted to legitimize themselves “within democracy” and join a camp, whose promises of reforms – fictitious or real – needed a certain “mass base”.

These masses were offered “entrepreneurship” and “meritocracy”, as spaces that could be occupied by all, when, in fact, they can only house a very few: the remainder are the majority and the most visible part of them sells combs, strawberries and dishtowels, in the sad corners of the ultraliberal disaster. The country is sinking, socially, environmentally, in terms of health and economically, but Bolsonaro will not surrender.

The complex relationships between politics and law, law and ideology, in the current crisis of liberal democracy, have emblematic precedents in the last century, captured by the master Raúl Zaffaroni in his definitive article on Carl Schmitt, “Is war the only policy?".

In it, Zaffaroni shows the central idea of ​​the Nazi jurist, about law and politics: for Schmitt, the willingness to take things to the extreme of war “is the very essence of politics”, a theory that leaves “out of its definition ” the rest of the political “praxis” linked to law and other concepts about it. Arrested after the war, Schmitt claims that his colleagues who did not accept Nazism – such as the gigantic Radbruch – were “politicians” and he was a pure “scientist”. He was released by the victors' courts and continued his career as an authoritarian jurist, already putting his “science” at the service of other wars.

What is the visible ideological movement, based on Schmitt's conceptions, portrayed - in the present - in the positions of Trump, Bolsonaro, as well as in the procedures of fascists from all countries, with the denialism of Covid 19? It is the following: when Schmitt said that he theorized as a “scientist”, in the field of Law, it was because he refused to use humanist philosophical premises to attack Nazi “war policies”. For him, this philosophy was decadent – ​​like bourgeois democratic humanism itself – a vision that required him to build – from his full adherence to Nazism – a false scientific spirit and through this, therefore, to promote the falsification of real history. Thus, Schmitt replaced science with an ideological falsification presented as science in order to justify the “essence of politics as war”, as Hitler formulated to support Nazi “political science” and his vision of Law.

The ongoing war is already tearing the alliance base of Bolsonarism to shreds and the organizers of the Coup against Dilma are splitting up, fighting in the “impeachments” ring, messing around in the networks and becoming enemies more mentally disturbed than at the time of the vote. the overthrow of the democratic government of President Dilma. Now they start attacking, not praising, mothers – one another – hoping for some guidance from the “myth”, which treats them like donkeys available to carry – in a little while – yet another load of insanity on the slope forged by ultraliberal reforms. I refuse to think that the Armed Forces of the country are satisfied with everything that happens, because that would be putting them on the same level as the insane person who was expelled from the corporation, due to strong suspicions of terrorism. We are going to unite democracy, republic, national sovereignty, quickly, before the opportunity passes and insanity takes over, definitively, the destiny of the Republic.

*Tarsus in law he was Governor of the State of Rio Grande do Sul, Mayor of Porto Alegre, Minister of Justice, Minister of Education and Minister of Institutional Relations in Brazil.


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