By IGOR FELIPPE SANTOS*
The creation of broad fronts with left and right forces must have clear objectives and a defined time to impose defeats on the extreme right without confusing society
1.
The victory of the New Popular Front in the second round of legislative elections in France represented a demonstration of strength and the resumption of hope for the left in the world. The result surprised, above all, those who consider popular forces incapable of confronting the extreme right and are restricted to the tactic of alliances with the right in electoral processes and submission to the neoliberal program in governments.
The Popular Front, which includes the Socialist Party, the Communist Party and the Ecologists, is led by Jean-Luc Mélenchon's movement, France Insubmissa, which is emerging as the main force on the left. That should tell us something. Even in the face of the danger of the advance of the extreme right, the French left had the firmness to maintain its project with autonomy, build a broad articulation of popular forces, act in unity of action with the center-right forces without losing its identity and make the dispute among voters dissatisfied with the political and economic conduct of the Emmanuel Macron government.
The debate on tactics to confront the neo-fascist currents that have emerged in the last period must go beyond opinion polls within a purely electoral analysis, because one of the phenomena that marks the current phase of capitalism is the crisis of liberal democracies.
A report released by the University of Cambridge in January 2020 found that the dissatisfaction rate with the democratic system reached a record high of 57,5%. The index has increased by almost 10% since the 1990s and reached its highest level in 25 years, when the series “Global satisfaction with democracy” began to be held in 154 countries. The report points to the economic crisis and the lack of government response to economic and social problems as reasons.
The rise of the far right is one of the most visible effects of the crisis of capitalism under neoliberalism. Neofascist currents have won governments and have grown in elections for Parliament in Europe, the Americas and Asia. These right-wing extremist currents have positioned themselves on the political scene as an anti-systemic force, with a radical critique of the political, economic and social model that characterizes the current phase of capitalism. Although they do not act against the system in practice, they have a strong and direct speech of change that captures dissatisfactions.
Neoliberal policies have had perverse effects throughout the world, with the substantial increase in income concentration, weakening of the social state, privatizations and fiscal reforms, deregulation of the global financial system, reduction of the economy's growth level with austerity measures and the cut of labor and social security rights.
An Oxfam report published last year points out the result of the neoliberal prescription: an unprecedented growth in social inequality in the world is underway. The richest 1% in the world took 2/3 of the wealth generated in the period, around US$42 trillion, between 2020 and 2022. This amount is equivalent to six times more than the total collected by 90% of the global population (seven billion people) in the same period. Each billionaire earned $1,7 million for every dollar earned by a person in the poorest 90% of the world.
The traditional right, the main political expression of liberal institutions, raised the banner of neoliberalism and promised that the “modernization” of the economy with capitalist globalization would generate well-being for the population of their countries. After four decades, he carries the blame for the neoliberal failure on his shoulders. Even social democratic parties that abdicated their program were worn out, lost relevance or had to renew themselves.
The extreme right has advanced, precisely, in the space opened up by the demoralization of the right and the political-institutional system that supports liberal democracies. Thus, the failure of neoliberalism was transformed into a crisis of liberal democracy. They are two sides of the same coin. There is no longer any expectation of a better future with this economic and political model. In view of this, increasingly larger segments of the population have placed their hope in political currents that make a radical critique of the current state of things, on the right or on the left.
The construction of anodyne fronts of very heterogeneous forces without a clear and firm program of opposition to neoliberalism may even play a role in a determined electoral dispute, faced with the threat of neo-fascism, but it is not capable of infecting society and building a political force to confront neoliberalism. The way to defeat the extreme right is to combat neoliberalism and the political-institutional system that legitimizes its setbacks, pointing to the construction of a new society as a future perspective.
2.
The result of the elections in France must be analyzed from the perspective of the crisis of liberal democracy, the demoralization of the “center” (or rather, the traditional right) and the consolidation of the polarization of the extreme right with the left.
The President of France, Emmanuel Macron, is suffering the consequences of the neoliberal program he is implementing. He suffered great wear and tear when he enacted the pension reform last year, after a series of protests against the increase in the minimum retirement age. To approve the change without the approval of the deputies, he had to resort to an exception article in the Constitution.
In this scenario, both the left-wing coalition, united in the New Popular Front, and the extreme right, from the National Regrouping camp, which oppose the current government, have experienced significant growth, gained greater weight in the political struggle and should occupy the scene policy.
The right-wing Together Coalition, led by Emmanuel Macron, lost 82 seats and ceased to be the largest political force in the country. It was behind the New Popular Front, which grew by 33 seats, ending the election with 182 representations. There is a relevant fact in this process: although the National Regroupment came in third place, with 143 seats, it gained 55 seats in relation to the last election. Marine Le Pen, prominent leader of the extremists, declared that their victory was merely postponed, which seems to be the trend.
The new element that shook society, increased the population's interest and led to a high electoral turnout of 60%, the highest since 1981, is the entry into the dispute of a left-wing unity bloc, led by Unsubmissive France , which opposes Emmanuel Macron's neoliberal reforms and combats the extreme right.
The election in France leaves many lessons for the left around the world and in Brazil. Popular forces need to have the courage to come together, present their ideas, their program and their symbols. Nothing more symbolic than young French people celebrating and chanting The Internationale in the public square after winning the elections.
The creation of broad fronts with left and right forces must have clear objectives and a defined time to impose defeats on the extreme right without confusing society. More than words, popular forces must carry out what they promise when they come to government and implement the program presented in the elections, facing the interests of the ruling class, to mobilize society and move forward with a project to overcome neoliberalism. The people want real changes and express their will by abandoning moderate projects. It remains to be seen whether the left will understand the message.
*Igor Felipe Santos is a journalist and social movement activist.
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