The Lewandowski option

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By TARSUS GENUS*

Lewandowski's arrival at the MJ, with his trusted man in Public Security, prosecutor Mário Sarrubbo, gives us confidence that the country will not go backwards in this area

I hasten, as a participant in the debates on Public Security in our country, to express an opinion on the future of our government, which will be guided primarily – among other topics – by the urgency of presenting a consistent project in this area, which could define the success or failure of the centrist coalition that governs our country, which has been successful so far.

The government is in its infancy, the country is beginning to reorganize itself and the Brazilian State – deeply humiliated by all the fools who governed us in the last period – is beginning to breathe. Prevention, intelligence, high quality expertise, reinforcement of the repressive capacity within the law, reinforcement of the quality of the police and the remuneration of police corporations and policies to protect the mental health of police officers, the families of police officers and victims of crime - both from police violence and that of criminals themselves - separation into scientifically planned prisons of young adult and primary criminals, those highly dangerous criminal groups, are minimum requirements for a civic and republican public security policy.

All these elements call for a vast federal integration project in the area of ​​security, guided by Federal Law (like Pronasci) that costs money and requires high-level centralization. I defended and defend – therefore – the construction of a Ministry of State for Public Security and the repositioning of the Ministry of Justice to a new condition, that of a Ministry of Justice and Defense of Rights, with strong secretariats that replace weak Ministries, financially and politically, which have shadows among them, certainly not due to the unpreparedness or carelessness of their holders.

This, however, apparently is already in the past and as I learned, being a manager of important ministries and governments, a ruler decides according to conditions that are always given to him by the political contingencies that surround him and by the concrete situation of governability within the democratic legal order. -liberal.

The arrival of Ricardo Lewandowski at the Ministry of Justice, with his trusted man in Public Security, prosecutor Mário Sarrubbo – two proven and intellectually qualified people – gives us confidence that the country will not go backwards in this area. What is feared, however, is not a setback, but the possibility that the government will not have the unity – nor the resources provided by law – to provide the security bodies with actions that deserve the political acceptance of the majority of society, to build a concept innovative – supported by public policies from several ministries – to make this new concept effective. Mário Sarrubbo's opinion, expressed shortly after his appointment, that he should create something like a “great GAECO” at SENASP, shows that he should become better acquainted with the functions of that body in order to implement a renewing security policy compatible with the complex times we live in.

Let me explain: there is no longer any important crime or subsidiary crime of an important crime, which does not have causes, both local and global, whether economic crimes, crimes against the person, political crimes, racial or violent crimes. collective, environmental or originating from cultural and physical violence against original communities – with rare exceptions – that are committed exclusively by local impulses. A cocaine factory established in a remote location in Latin America opens a sequence of “services” and paid occupations for thousands of young people in the favelas of Rio de Janeiro and the alleys of Johannesburg, who kill in series and co-opt, en bloc, hundreds of thousands to the sphere of “organized crime”. The place and the world are, today, almost always in the same space in history.

The worst consequence of the “war on drugs” that began in the 1970s – a militaristic foreign policy of the American government, taken as an “internal” public policy for each country – sparked more unpunished violence in criminal communities, to defend themselves and maintain their power in the world. territory, without the State occupying these territories with its health services, education, cultural promotions, income generation and employment. With this omission, the policy of general criminalization of communities was encouraged, based on “drug financial flows” and their expanded reproduction, not only due to crimes related to this flow, such as kidnappings, financing robberies, weapons smuggling and extortion. militias, but also due to the degeneration of political-electoral processes. This is what SENASP should look at.

This is perhaps the greatest challenge of the third Lula government, because it involves dissociating the country's security from the concept of “war on drugs” and, at the same time, associating it with a new project of “citizen public security”, extended to the complex universe of a new concept of Sovereign State Security, in the branches of National Security and Continental Security.

Let me explain: in the globalized world and integrated by pirated financial capital, legal or illegal, by the commutativity in the transmission of signals and data, cultural diversification, wars and migrations resulting from absolute poverty, and the semi-legal distribution of drugs in the environments of the “upper classes ”, the radical separation between “externalities” and “internalities” ended. The internal world of each nation and its external world are no longer separated, neither by politics, nor by the economy, nor by crime models, in which the legal and the illegal interact – permanently – and form a single concrete cycle of accumulation in legal orders that are similar to common political situations of crisis in liberal democracy.

I continue explaining: it is impossible not to link crimes related to drug trafficking, violence against people, financial crimes and sophisticated gang operations, sexual exploitation of children and the treatment of women like cattle exported for “consumption” in internal and external baronies. , with the use of poor children and young people in the distribution of drugs for the consumption of the wealthy classes. The true national security of the State is being leaked, therefore, no longer by guerrillas or internal subversions from the era of dictatorships, but by the occupation of territory and institutions by the slow but sure progress of “clusters” of organized crime, like parallel mini-states, arriving both surreptitiously and violently in actions of destruction and environmental control.

It is the most perverse side of the world's integration, with its flows of opinion formation, criminal behavior, leisure undermined by drug addiction and the sexual exploitation of women. Trafficking in people and weapons, predominantly, no longer obeys locally accepted codes of conduct, but shares a new universe that the internet, for example, socializes, represses or legitimizes in instances of market consumption.

The most striking example of the failure of the “war on drugs” policy is what happened in Colombia. There, where the Armed Forces were integrated and financed by the United States to act, both in national security (as would be their constitutional duty) and in combating guerrillas, as well as in internal security (changing their original functions in the nation-state), a “model” integration of organized crime on a global scale, in which there was no longer a distinction between what was “state security”, “common crime”, “national security” and “continental security” of a military nature, without distinguishing what would be “public security”, as an essential value for a supportive and friendly common life.

This feat resulted in the combination of political violence with the violence of drug trafficking groups, resulting in a single process of political-criminal violence, with the “politicization” of drug trafficking (transforming drug traffickers into extreme right-wing guerrillas supported by military personnel from the same political line) and, at the same time, the “narco criminalization” of the guerrilla, (which had to agree with drug traffickers to control the territory in the fight against the country's Armed Forces) delaying the peace protocols and the end of the slaughter .

The fight against hunger, a coherent foreign policy that preserves our sovereignty and our status as a democratic country, the fiscal framework as an open passage channel between the “narrow margins of maneuver”, allowed by the strength of the liberal-rentier economy – sponsored by the club of the richest countries – brilliantly removed us from the suffocation caused by the Bolsonarista disorder, which devastated the country during his four years in office.

The good Dino-Cappelli management, in the Ministry of Justice, faced nothing less than a coup d'état, implemented measures to combat organized crime, drug and weapons trafficking, political and financial corruption of institutions - targeted by the fascist wrath of the Bolsonarism – and reestablished the initial ties of federative collaboration in strict Public Security.”sensu”, whose difficulties are both products and correlated with the problems listed above: they inhabit the same universe, but on different planets.

It was seen that the “war on drugs” – an essential element of the social life of the American dream, which is part of its gigantic GDP in a significant way – was not planned to extinguish addiction in your country, nor its production, but to divert the its export conduit to other ports around the world.

The fight against any type of “organized crime” – drug trafficking and others that derive from it – should not be an element of a superior security policy, nor should it precede a citizen public security policy, which prepares each part of the territory to be independent. , hostile to trafficking and traffickers. That fight deals with trafficking in weapons, drugs, trafficking in people, today also in organs and illegal currency – it was created by Richard Nixon's foreign “security” policy in 1971, later deepened by Bush Filho and Bush Sr.

This war on drugs policy not only did not make any contribution to the internal public security policies of the countries “beneficiaries” of its actions, it also generated a deformity in the (internal) public security of these countries, as the fighting that would be the beginning of a strong and competent internal security turned into a war on the poor, with violent territorial occupations where the State became notable for the violence of the Police State which, when it withdrew, left new contingents of young people at the disposal of drug traffickers and militias. The war against organized crime has the same status of importance as internal public security policies, which must be developed and applied as a single project of the sovereign State.

The “war on drugs” created the conceptual basis for all groups and people linked – for example – to drug trafficking (wherever they are) to be “enemies of the American State”. And so they would be treated and repressed, through a “war”, an American policy that increased, not only the growing militarization of the actions of the military police in states like ours, but produced – in the fight against drugs and later in actions against common crimes , a trail of kidnappings, militia powers and military struggles between rival factions, often in the service of politicians linked to local crime, forcing the direct intervention of the Armed Forces in public security in a brutal deviation from the role of military corporations.

With respect and sincerity, I said here some ideas that I had already quickly expressed to Minister Ricardo Lewandowski, when he announced the acceptance of President Lula's invitation, which takes him and his team to the “eye of the hurricane, highlighting that the president's political movement - within what is possible and what is real – always defends democracy and the Republic.

*Tarsus in law he was governor of the state of Rio Grande do Sul, mayor of Porto Alegre, Minister of Justice, Minister of Education and Minister of Institutional Relations in Brazil. Author, among other books, of possible utopia (Arts & Crafts) [https://amzn.to/3ReRb6I]


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