The PEC of secret funds

Image: Luiz Armando Bagolin


The Scrapping of Democracy and Everyone's Demons

The approval of the “PEC do Calote” was a barbarity committed within the Rule of Law, which thus moves away from a Constitutional Democracy, to be a contingency democracy, in political, moral and institutional crisis, for three main reasons: its methods of formation of a qualified majority, were not only physiological, but criminal; its objectives are spurious, placing capital credits owed by the State, Social Security food credits and salary values ​​of workers in the public-state sector in equal plans; finally, a “secret budget” of the Union was used to obtain the said majority, an instrument that violates the principle of publicity and public morality, for the purchase and sale of votes in the Chamber of Deputies.

The Union's creditors, thus, were treated as "barbarians", external enemies, fought with the use of "secret funds, cut in their net and certain rights, by forms of criminal "exception", without providing responsibilities and equalization of duties: breaching contracts, corrupting the Legislative Power even more and even aggravating the social situation of the poorest, because among its objectives was also the elimination of the Bolsa Família.

Cícero, Hitler and Bolsonaro have something in common. The first, Cicero, in the debate about the barbarians who “threatened” the Roman Empire and denied themselves as slaves – for the glory of the City – admitted that sometimes it would be right to “exterminate” them; the second, Hitler, saw the technical rationality of modernity as authorizing the barbaric sense of extermination (of the non-national stranger); and the third, Bolsonaro – with his “herd immunity” – fulminates every day, publicly, compassion and thus stimulates – not immunity – but the death of what he thinks to be, the human “herd” of compatriots he has the duty of suffering, for your medieval Rome.

The outbreak of the First World War was the starting point for a set of reflections by leftist intellectuals and the pacifist democratic field in Europe, on the future of European “civilization”. The great historical earthquakes have always moved the tectonic plates on which the philosophies in vogue are based that, in the specific plane of politics – restructure affective relationships, alliances, conceptions that start to move around the interests of the classes in struggle.

In these times, new background issues that suddenly become clear reposition political subjects in the social space around new key issues. In that preparatory context of the dispute between imperialisms on the Continent, it was a question of peace or war, agreement or warlike violence, conciliation between States or barbaric violence. Life or death, light or shadows from the delusions of evil, fresh air or suffocation, which are always present for human choices that, in the end, produce their destiny.

The outline of the study that generated the small (large) essay romance theory, by Lukács, was conceived in 1914, although it was only published in book form in 1920, in Berlin. Its central point was the moral repudiation of the War. And, even more, the aversion to what he called “bellicose enthusiasm”, in the violent political environment, in which he held his dialogue with his friend Marianne Weber, who wanted to overcome the resistance of the young philosopher, skilled in using epic arguments to seduce him.

History – at the time – for the young Lukács, prefigured, not heroic acts but moral dilemmas, from which Marianne would like to extract “deeds of heroism”, in situations of national defense, above political and class issues. Lukács, whose morality reflected the best that left-wing policies had generated until then, was crystal clear: “The greater these feats of arms, the worse the war”. That is, no heroic deed within barbarism is greater than human dignity, brandished to avoid it.

The government's parliamentary base, with rare exceptions, is no longer a merely physiological base, originating from our distorted coalition presidentialism, and has crossed the rubicon: it is probably today, more than yesterday, a simply criminal base, a political extension controlled by the militiamen disseminated in the cellars of organized crime and within the State.

We live a tragedy, more than a drama or an epic play: Lukács himself says that “tragedy eliminates the hierarchy of the superior worlds. For her, there is neither god nor demon, because the outside world is nothing more than an occasion given to the soul to become (falsely) heroic. And it does so as a myth, which prevents problems of conscience and relevance to feelings of human dignity and compassion for those who suffer. The demon, by the way, does not become extinct, but becomes – from then on – the demon of each one, on the lookout for the next act for the opportunity to survive.

*Tarsus in law he was Governor of the State of Rio Grande do Sul, Mayor of Porto Alegre, Minister of Justice, Minister of Education and Minister of Institutional Relations in Brazil. Author, among other books, of The future to arm (Voices).


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