The infantile rage of political regression

Image: Pierre Blaché
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By EUGENIO TRIVINHO*

The ideological hallucination of the extreme right will never prevent Brazil from putting its feet back on the ground and on prosperous paths

“Breath of the night, the rain and the wind\ Echo sad dreams tossing about” (Yu Xuanji).
“No one here will end\ with the flowers and the songs” (Ayocuan Cuetzpaltzin)

Foreword

Overexpose to corner and disperse – all in advance, right into media and street visibility. Submit the gunpowder trail to the readiness radar, to coalesce the power of the new ongoing electoral coup, from sabotage to the transmission of State power in January 2023. Exponentially echo the sinister as never before, come the threat of militiamen, military /or civilians. The task will still be small, if there is no daily articulation of progressive actions and resistance in the legal field, in parliaments in all regions of the country and internationally.

The suspicious institutional and political atmosphere, which challenges the typical visibility of the media as an instrument of diffuse pressure (today mainly via digital and interactive networks), compulsorily requires that every individual committed to democracy denounce, in all possible ways and in broad mutirão, institutional iniquity and anti-constitutional vandalism resilient in Brazilian history. Since the electoral process was informally inaugurated, the sinister has been excited, increasingly exasperated and with the usual arrogant childishness, backed by secular exploits. 2016 was her most recent couture; and 2018, your corruption. It is not untrue that he wishes to hasten the hateful sabotage of the popular will.

 

Conditions and material roots of the claim

There are countless socio-phenomenological factors, intertwined like gunpowder against the election and/or against the legitimacy of the result: (a) projection of the electoral process under acute institutional crisis between the Powers of the Republic: Superior Electoral Court (TSE) and electronic voting machines totally discredited by the very Presidency and the extensive Bolsonarist horde (from 20 to 30% of voters); Federal Supreme Court (STF) implicates, in inducing this suspicion, the Armed Forces, which respond immediately with vehemence; (b) palace family cornered in several cases of serious offense – if the guest settles the lease with the Presidency, he will lose privileged jurisdiction and judicial and police influence – an indigestible surrender, of himself and his offspring, with the risk of eventual distribution of cells;

(c) billionaire clamors from the Bancada da Bala, the Bible and the Boi, in the Centrão field, in favor of the preservation of the status quo, despite reports of desertion; (d) illegal logging and mining capital accustomed to invading indigenous and quilombola lands, coercing and killing opponents and remaining unpunished – the same habit and condition of urban militiamen, a parapolice band unaligned with any constitutional rules; (e) international articulation (explicit and secret) of the extreme right – in the 2018 elections, it hypostatized itself in network robotics based on artificial intelligence, to boost and distort the dispute for votes through massive irradiation of fake news and misinformation; this is how they adorned, with emotional and cynical populism, the suspicious stabbing (until proven otherwise) and the long imprisonment of the main Brazilian political leader;

(f) conspiratorial evangelicals and ultraconservative media trying, in vain, to shield Bolsonarism, in the impassive trail, in the open, of the Institutional Acts of the 1960s, persecutions and torture; (g) the fetishistic panache of “imaginary communism” – this political schizoidity spread like “the plague” (now hand in hand with neo-fascism) and which remains impervious to any rational argument or decent public discussion; a paúra whose way of being is equivalent to a rhetorical-stigmatizing alibi, as secular as it is surreal, which keeps the population hostage and the business community under continuous rejection of the so-called “indiscriminate nationalization of the country”; finally, an intense and unfounded fear that, as a necrotic, slaughterhouse ideology, only serves to endorse the predominance of right-wing and extreme right-wing forces in the state apparatus; It is Last but not least (g) more than 6 civilian positions controlled by the military at various levels of the federal government, at the cost of high salaries (beyond the civil service ceiling).

In demarcated terrain, the agenda of sabotage has no reason not to intensify factual grammar. The summoning of foreign ambassadors by the guest of the Palace and military advisors to an unusual meeting – in which the first disgraced even more the electronic model of ballot boxes, the institute of elections and the judicial summits (namely, the STF and the TSE) – integrates, as factoide, the conditioning of the sinister, regardless of the theatrical failure of the palace intent.

Republican decency is deeply dismayed by the protoceremonious ridicule, by the Executive Power, not only of the diplomatic career, but also of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Itamaraty), by disturbing Embassy offices with a falsely misleading government narrative, intended to draw the attention of the world to an electoral danger that does not exist in the country – except for the expected defeat of Bolsonarist necropolicy.

 

Civil armament and its political threat

In particular, the far-right craze increasingly has access to different types of firearms. The most recent political episode of this civil armament claimed the life of an important member of the Workers' Party.

Federal eminences grises and shady international agents master sophisticated ambushes. The US secret service's favorite presidential candidacy – it is known – precludes the center-left spectrum. This injunction has always recovered heavy play.

The reheated callus knows the Brazilian paradoxical diversity: the white band, affluent or not – but above all, post-colonial heiress, distributed among the middle and popular classes –, is full of reified hallucinations, that psychically imprisoned by the charm of upward advantages in the world “as it is”, with no reason to bet on different alternatives.

Anyone who suspects that former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, based on many more successes than mistakes in his incomparable political career and now ranked well in polls of voting intentions, is in danger of death is not mistaken. Even in partnership with former governor Geraldo Alckmin, the former Brazilian president with the greatest international acclaim will continue to be stigmatized by the reigning unconditional anti-PTism, as if a leader of Latin American social democracy, appeased by the ostensibility of post-colonial forces ( confessed and obscure, in nepotism and physiologism), represented, in fact, “communist threats” – this paranoid-fetishist alibi, as permanent as it is improbable. Similarly, strategic prudence does not fail to indicate that the former president's personal security needs to be greatly reinforced.

A certain solemn silence of the tectonic plates of the electoral process (already informally triggered) expresses the gestatory tone of the extreme swamp.

They are all political factors added to the treacherous handle of uncertainties. They integrate material conditions that spatialize the fundamental: current evidence indicates that it is neither implausible nor exaggerated to claim, from the point of view of the eye of the hurricane, that, in the near future, independent historiography will be able to certify that the compulsive arrangements of 2022 were prepared and tried in the wake of November 2018 – actually since before 2016.

 

Political mistake of discursive reduction

From the socio-phenomenological point of view, it is a considerable mistake, however, to gravitate, primarily or exclusively, around verbal discourses to apprehend not only the puerile rage of the coup, but above all the sabotage incubated in concrete trends. Sanha translates into a multilateral and complex process that spreads through recurring behaviors and habits, gestures and movements (not always ostensive), notable gaps and silence, institutional arrangements and agenda prioritizations, and so on – involving much more than one subject. . This process never pulsates only in the political grammar of declarations and narratives (oral and/or statutory, formal or not), especially madness.

The order of discourse (credible or suspected) is not reduced to words, even – often – to non-verbal attitudes: it opens wide, rather, in consolidated tracks, in which unmistakable landmarks (reversible or fatal) have been placed. The expansive and progressive occupation of spaces at all levels of the State says per se – in the apparent silence of tectonic plates – more than any interpretations.

In this direction, an articulated mesh of signs encrusted in institutional corners of the country ends up conditioning the very unison discourse of sabotage of the guest of the Palace and his horde – everything that media traditional mass media frame (and sometimes “wash”) in “news objectivity”, hundreds of videos on YouTube do not contradict and independent digital channels denounce it daily. In other words, the extensive (continuous) material roots of sabotage, seen in a historical light, are part of the coup's fury (however intermittent or punctual it may be) and, in return, overdetermine it, contextualizing it and hoping for it. against the world civīlis based on the democratic rule of law. Such conditions, together with the verbal and non-verbal volleys of the blow, sound like structured speech.

The atmosphere of the time – anticipate here – reveals the basics. In the first place, an X-ray of the coup's entrails reveals how much it does not function as a concentrating act of history in a few hours or days. The complexity of strongly segmented mass democracies from the 1970s onwards transformed the coup into a regular pulsation – a kind of process, sometimes restless, sometimes silent, as a state of exception continuum, entirely encrypted in the sanha for establishing it in a generalized way. Secondly – ​​and in any case – once the State apparatus has been conquered through direct elections, any stratagem by rulers with a view to preserving power and/or staying in the same place or range of command beyond the time provided for in a constitutional provision and/or considered effectively legitimate within the framework of current legislation. This sabotage process can be conceived and consummated by fraudulent electoral means, kidnapping of the right to vote and/or other extra-legal arrangements.

The effectiveness of these anti-constitutional aggressions depends, however, on the permissive flaccidity of the checks and balances of political and legal institutions. Otherwise – if the restrictive determination on the part of these institutions derives from the organized courage of civil society, in the streets and networks –, the impulses of the anti-republican and anti-democratic underworld will find no environment other than to return to their places (material and symbolic) of origin.

 

Political dangerousness of speculative convictions

In favor of the impossibility of prolonged success of a coup (even a classic one), supported by military, business and civil-militia ultra-conservatism, arguments circulate according to which, currently – almost 60 years later – the general conditions of the country (internal and external) are historically distinct – the sprit du temps in the tropics it would be different: organized society would have taken root inspired by the 1988 Magna Carta; numerous achievements and legal-institutional containment mechanisms were democratically straightened out; unlike the 1960s, the United States trusts (and approves of) Brazilian institutions; strictly speaking, the national electorate tends to deny suffrage to totalitarian adventures – and such.

Furthermore, the 1964 coup in particular would have mirrored the unidirectional logic of the mass media. In the meantime, media apparatuses miniaturized and migrated to the possession of common individuals (in all social strata), with an explosive power of unpredictability. The interactive and socially multi-crossed dynamics of social networks would have dethroned, on screens in the palm of the hand, the means of massification, typically authoritarian in their structural homeostasis of functioning.

Accumulated, the argument came into circulation that, it is enough for the guest of the Palace to shout against institutions, allocating a blow on the horizon, so that the priority agenda of most media segments (producers of trends or not) – from the liberal right to the center-left – proclaim a state of alarm, denounce preposterous intentions and thematize, from various angles, the factoid, fueling the buzz that makes the conglomerates cashier rotate and involuntarily reproduces the symbolic terror of the neo-fascists, the same at the origin of the vicious circuit itself. The conservative multimedia system, in whose functionalities the fascists improved after the failure of 1945, would be left to intermirror agendas, without reflective follow-up on the political and social repercussions of their joint resonance.

Such arguments – the second is nevertheless true – are, however, as problematic as the one from which foreign oil companies have already benefited, with stability, from the lawfare which forged the prolonged ostracism of the most important political leadership in the country's history; added profitable slices of pre-salt discovered in 2006; and, therefore, former president Lula can return – without vicissitudes (emphasis added) – to the main chair of the Republic. The danger of this conviction stirs, even against one's will, conspiratorial odors spread around: blind to the very pitfall it represents, it escapes its radar, with a window of months or a year, the eventual second impeachment of a president committed to public policies in favor of millions of miserable, hungry and illiterate people, as well as working and precarious masses, to repair damages and reduce multilateral risks of Brazilian capitalism.

The opposite of this vainglorious precipitation contributes to strengthen the still weak warning signal for the continuous state of exception: opportunist conservatives and liberals, echoing from now on Slogans camouflaged by neo-fascist populism, now robust (beyond electoral rituals), are eager for this impeachment – and will play hard to win, in the same election, a majority quorum in the Senate, in the Chamber of Deputies and in the various parliamentary committees. Brazilians – they say honors and blessings, reproducing fascist interests – cannot be equated: any vision about the finitude of life that levels, for example, supremacists to pedestrians does not even deserve to have its premises heard: if they do not insult – they say –, they deprecate. Historical and necrotic privilege reacts violently to the supposedly inadmissible.

The countermeasure to interpretative conveniences also breathes strategic prudence: the threats previously reported are, without a doubt, real. Pungent socio-political evidence that articulates the assumptions of this article are the same ones that disturb the sleep of progressive social movements and republican-democratic tendencies in all segments (in journalism, education, jurisprudence, etc.), jealous of the possibility of even more destruction. worst and the long work (of several generations) to revert them.

The feeling of false comfort that the three arguments mentioned offer unfortunately nourishes the game of the right and the extreme right (domestic and foreign). In unfolded words, apparently critical thinking (in the press pages and in the fields university students), indifferent to the peril that smells consolidated conquests, mirrors, mutatis mutandis, carelessness also common sense: it flatters the political naivety and/or historical ignorance that suffocate so much tyrants, dungeon lovers and professionals of torture.

By the same evidence, one should not forget this puerile trick: those who want to sabotage institutions (and it is not always just the peacock in the shop window) denounce, as a rule, incurring in unnecessary scaremongering who accuses them precisely from the four corners. These sabotage mouths geographically scattered in ideological consonance are those of would-be experts in conditioning the time of a camouflaged coup as a total absence of coup – as if the naming of obscure tendencies would fit, in fact, in unreason, just because of the fact (in fact, justly by the fact) that the saboteur mockery was perpetrated by the owner of the club at the central palatial table.

 

Regressive civilization of voluntary rusticity

When brutality (physical and symbolic) is supported by about 1/3 of the population, voluntary rusticity, made official since 2018, distributes letters of perversion and/or demolition of the republican and democratic order. This prerogative prospers above all in a context of noisy fundamentalism, of political, legal and media institutions without national conjugation, of anti-fascist opposition without federalized segmentation and/or with little internationalization, and of widespread threats and fear. In situations like this, it doesn't matter which technological-communicational toys are sold and whether the networks are interactive or not. The judged “inessential” is violently thrown into the darkness of selective perfumes. History overflows with pus when remembering such truisms: the barbarian refinements, when with a knife and cheese at hand, does not hesitate to destroy the cheese to stab anyone who wants it.

If the political vision of voluntary rusticity is forced to boast of “civilizing desires”, it is because its assumptions contract, as a priority goal – even in ungoverned ways –, the rapid programmatic retroaction to the anti-scientific club of an authoritarian unreason, worshiper of unquestionable conservative fetishes, hierarchically represented by a salvationist neo-fascist leadership. The Bolsonarist extreme right reinvented regressive civilization.

The obtuse alibi is always “imaginary communism”, a viciously hallucinated military, militia and civil-business premise that, after 2002 – with the preservation of democracy by center-left governments – only deceives stupidity, self-deception and bad behavior. -indiscriminate faith.

 

The nature of regression at play

This historical regression escapes binary logic: it is not the opposite of progression; and it has nothing to do with the root of this term and its derivatives – progress, progressivism and progressivism.

Recovering the political dimension of sociopsychoanalysis, the regression in question marks an exclusive quality, outside of dichotomous syntaxes. Its nature is unveiled and exhausted in its own characterization: it is only equivalent to the extreme intensity of subjective fixation (individual or collective) in a past temporality, which the imaginary operation (of fixation) takes as a fetish (to continue nurturing the operation) and prevents that dissipates in favor of another catalyst and politically “justified” focus.

More specifically, regression concerns the culmination of a hallucinatory tendency in which an occurrence from the past overlaps with the present experience, determining it, in such a way that the absolutism of the process makes the phantasmatic scene prevail as current and normalized life.

In practical terms – within the perimeter of political fundamentalism –, the result of this regression bogs down the subject in what he has enormous difficulty getting rid of – namely: this overlapping or overlapping of temporalities. In the end, the regressive injunction becomes, in turn, modus operandi, perennial victim of the trap that she herself creates.

 

Political childishness of authoritarianism

The previous note sheds light on Brazilian fringes that, otherwise, would remain fragmented. In terms of possession, maintenance and exercise of power, Bolsonarist fundamentalism's fixation on the military dictatorship and torture as the hope of law and order is essentially inseparable from the childishness peculiar to the authoritarian arena of conventional politics.

This link is abundantly explicit in the set of available information. In his political trajectory (from Parliament to the Executive), the guest of the Palace, as a representative leader of regressive portions of the population, was never at the height of republican institutions, much less (very long, not to mention) the value of democracy, taken either in formal scale (within the State), or – all the more so – in everyday life. In view of the histrionic nonsense in interviews when he was a federal deputy, his deep desire (and that of some of his male descendants) would have no doubts in pairing the productivity of simplification: it would take the lives of all members of the left, militants and sympathizers.

This immediate childishness, easily pathos by the opponent's death, it radiates in banal behavior, anticipating trends: after the narcissistic joy and unforeseen celebrations in the 2018 electoral victory, current threats of armed violence emerge in the face of the imminence of defeat at the end of the four-year period. The vehement oscillation compensates for the imminence of the symbolic loss of the phallus (here, a substitute for power, threatened), as do crying children after sudden and/or unwelcome frustration.

Sparing sociopsychoanalysis an exhaustive explanation (and focusing on the individual cut), the observation made recalls how much the infants, the “little man”, as Jacques Lacan called him, in the patriarchal cataloging of origin, laments his impotence in the face of the insurmountable wall of negations: retroacting, so to speak, to the scene of the first cry of life, the subject sets foot, in the manner of intermittently, as a defenseless and non-conformist entity, until new psycho-emotional gains soften and naturalize the side effects of the barrier experienced as trauma.

Faced with unappealable repression, a regressed adult transforms the impotence to change the rules of the game into resentful despair and, after blaming part of the world for his failure, he plays a pragmatic embarrassment, creating and pursuing scapegoats, as a way of settling scores. The dissuasive operation allows for a vital break, prior to that eventually with the world: the ingenious self-deception, cracking the psychic dynamics by converting fragility into strength, exorcises the need to have to face one's own impotence.

The logic of this (apparently liberating) conversion can be grasped at a more direct angle. There is no tyrant whose relationship with power does not evoke childish omnipotence in contexts beyond the individual's own purview. In the intricacies of this equation (of compensatory self-mirroring), one “overcomes”, psychically and emotionally, the absence (total or partial) of control in relation to facts and situations, entities and processes, starting with the immediate surroundings.

This specular omnipotence, also encompassing lackeys and sympathizers of tyrants, shares fundamentally with the rise of power (even without the support of the majority of the population) towards threat, coercion, harassment, physical force and death. The political writing of Elias Canetti, in the masterful mass and power, inspires to say that the paranoid, once elected or appointed to majority positions, will sell their soul to hell to try, at the cost of the most bumbling despair, to preserve the conquered prerogative. With twisted fantasy avant-guard, the authoritarians conjure up alibis in favor of the priority band of command. Undoubtedly, the alibi of the hour – the opacity of the voting machine – engenders, in phased assumptions, the castration of the popular will.

In underdeveloped capitalist societies, the wealthiest conservative and corporate social strata need – remember – this resurgence on the part of institutions, as a guarantee of the high concentration of socially produced wealth and the preservation of the highest possible rate of private profit, galvanizing the way of predominant production. Substantial fractions of the popular strata vote for tyrants and the like.

The childishness of the tyrants, their promoters and supporters is rooted in their own cowardice, inscribed in the mode of relationship – stubborn, ostensive, degraded – with the values, rites and rigors of republican and democratic modernity as a formal structure and dynamics of decentralized distribution of power emanating of the people.

Certainly, sociopsychoanalysis is prodigal in demonstrating that the passage from the individual to the collective domain is complex (never linear) and full of mediations and grooves. The analytical intent does not, however, need to be dialectical (airy or orthodox) to verify (even en passant, as the case may be) the concrete and intimate connection between the two dimensions.

The most relevant is thus turned: the infantile rage of the political regression of conservative and reactionary groups constitutes a sinister widely torturing the lives of millions of people. In the compulsoriness of living with this regression, citizenship lasts from psychologically molested to physically violated.

 

Permanent state of impending coup

The conditional (material and symbolic) architecture of sabotage outbursts is attached to at least two strategic (and classic) times. According to the Nazi model (from the first half of the 1923th century, especially after 2018, the year of the frustrated attempt to take power by force) and unlike Italian fascism (which, from the beginning, imposed itself by shouting in metropolitan streets), the Current neo-fascist variations are subjected to the scrutiny of apparently normal electoral processes. [The XNUMX election in Brazil was attacked – do not forget – by an internationally scandalous incarceration, strengthened by lawfare media, and by a stab of shelved causes (still without official and/or independent investigation, with expected judicial consequences)].

From the first day of office, legal tricks and coup microvariations compatible with perpetuation in office, under guaranteed ballast in the legitimate possession of the State, are devised. Vandalistic intra- and inter-institutional operations – in the light of either scabrous constitutional hermeneutics or, if necessary, flagrantly unconstitutional – are part of the list of governmental corrosions of the state apparatus. (In Brazil, the materiality of this process dates back – as is known – to the serious legal, parliamentary, business and police casuistry of 2016.) A surreal official rhetoric, of parallel reality, forged in cynical narratives, starts to dissuade, allegedly – ​​with a curtain of multimedia smoke –, the progressive trail of the dismantling reconfiguration, holding civil society hostage to the next political, structural and always imminent card.

Coup work tables never sleep. Due to different ramifications, its productivity reflects the constant extraclinical state of disturbed mentalities about “what to do?” – iconic Leninist issue henceforth co-opted (exclusively via signifier) ​​by neo-fascism, with ironic inversion of values, to avoid loss of expanded encrustation in the State apparatus. In the computerized industrial sphere – just for a quick and metaphorical comparison – the prototype, model or model, on the table, is, in general, the anticipated mirror of goods that will circulate in society in search of adherence and consumption.

The steady signal, by different electoral research bodies, that authoritarian infantilism has little chance of re-election paves the busy shortcut for anticipating all possible scenarios against the transmission of power.

In the logic of “imaginary communism” as a rhetorical-populist alibi, it sounds easy for Bolsonarist despair to embrace, in favor of self-survival, the alibi fake of the alleged social protection against a “planted coup” attributed to progressive forces. This is not about lying institutional cowardice. In general, moralism understands little of the historical and political process. It is a belligerent strategy applied to crucial civil disputes.

In the imminence of electoral failure and/or after it, no extreme right, accommodated in the command of a country, hesitates in trying to kidnap the popular will and the future, to get rid of the dependence on the vote and guarantee itself in the lead. The Bolsonarist strategy is shabby: cornered by the unsatisfactory performance in the polls (having the State apparatus in their hands since 2018), they torpedo the electronic ballot boxes to reach the very institution of elections and the credibility of the respective jurisdictional power. Desperate fate claws at what threatens what it wants to protect. The bone of contention justifies perpetuation plots.

Except for better judgment and for saturation of the deja vu, the political radiography of the ongoing “cultural war” estimates, in the dispute process and/or before and after the inauguration, institutional rows (in the three Powers), intensification of the militarization of institutions and militiaization of social relations, in addition to more invasion and destruction of ancestral lands, unresolved murders, outright corruption (publicly deterred by crude narratives), news rape [fake news] and structural disinformation, among other trends of derangement (based on mistrust in the ballot box model and the result of the election). This arrogant sabotage conditioning has a business card, by way of gross insensitivity: the pro-pandemic genocide of thousands of Brazilians considered disposable.

The militia culture and indiscriminate denialism – that of the apparent MMA, if it were not its own rules, in all contexts – is making offspring, with a tendency to expand political and “moral” influence in the next generations. This is the scenario that Brazil, from 2016, bequeathed to the ballot boxes of its own destiny.

O website from "Letter in defense of the Democratic Rule of Law“, proposed by the Faculty of Law of the University of São Paulo (FD/USP) and widely endorsed by civil society in a few days, was attacked more than two thousand times by hackers of the Bolsonarist horde. The lexical, syntactic and semantic structure of the document sensibly expresses diplomatic care in matters of equidistance between political extremes. The volume of attempts to breach the website only indicates the “heavy bar” of the historical regression at stake. It is projected not only on the 2022 electoral dispute, but also on the upcoming elections.

The Palace guest's ironic contempt for this Charter and the respective applause from the extreme right for decorum incompatible with the Presidency of the Republic make up a pragmatic and explanatory footnote of the political infantilism that mocks democracy.

 

Political adventure, Armed Forces and diplomatic pragmatism

More than a paradox, the horizon presents uncertainty. This obnubilation necessarily evokes the Armed Forces, whose broad triadic scope, strictly speaking, cannot be reduced to the current command summits.

Since 2018, military segments accredited by the highest rank have shown signs that they would never embark on maddening and militia adventures. The articulate voice of the three instances has also expressed the opposite. Historical faithful of the republican balance in favor of a large portion of the population with a conservative political imaginary, interested in exorcising “imaginary communism”, it is still unknown – unless better evaluated, in the heat of unfolding facts and narratives – whether the Armed Forces will leave the thousands of civilian positions if the victory in the election is that of political tendencies not supported by the military.

If this perspective is correct, any successful change of power as per the solemn constitutional rite tends to go through some kind of diplomatic-pragmatic conversation (before, during and/or after the electoral process) with dissatisfied and/or alternative strata of the three segments.

This dialogue is similar to facts that do not hide squares and woods. The current far-right branches (Bolsonarist or not) of the Armed Forces need, nowadays, what will it be, to understand that, after all, they invested the entire military institution in yet another setback in the civil administration of the country. Current participation in the Executive Branch (from the institutional breakdown of 2016, rooted in the then Vice-Presidency) does not cease to rely, directly or indirectly, on the same ring of neoliberal trends, high inflation, high food and fuel prices, spreading poverty and poverty, invasion of indigenous and quilombola lands, acceleration of deforestation, occurrence of unresolved institutional and political offenses, etc. As if that were not enough, it now adds, in self-corrosive co-responsibility, the set of scabrosities of Bolsonarism in the area of ​​health, education, science, racial and gender relations, and so on. This desolate pragmatic chapter, copiously reported in the national and international press, will never be erased.

 

Internationalization of the regressive scandal

In any case, it is urgent to monitor, every day, who stalks society in the name of historical and political regression. The insidious legacy of the acute post-colonial clash between economically wealthy “estates” and those who are enormously disadvantaged and segregated only leads to an awareness of the need to foster and protect, in every way, the energies of courage and political mobilization in favor of a new agreement account history in favor of millions of poor and needy people in urban and rural areas. With no possibility of expanded self-organization to overcome their own hunger, they end up depending on the mediating representation of sensitive and organized portions of society, under the articulatory north of progressive diversity.

Strategic awareness has no doubts about the crucial nature of orchestrating actions in defense of both the improvement of the Federal Constitution, from the perspective of popular guidelines for expanding social rights, and the republican and democratic design of the State (in all geographic areas) – fragile political assets of recent national history. Universities and independent research centers, centre-left parties and unions, collectives and social movements, NGOs and entities committed to the affirmation and reinvention of fundamental rights will continue to play a role sine qua non in the process.

With regard to the multimedia entanglement, it is equally urgent – ​​as has been done for some time now – rather than indignantly condemning the authoritarian network in all states and cities, to overexpose the sinister gunpowder of the conspiratorial centers of Brasília and Rio de Janeiro. de Janeiro to other geopolitical-electoral poles, in order to corner the traces inspired by the social militarization of the 1960s to 1980s. , continue to structurally unhappiness Brazilian society.

It is worth, in all segments of alternative symbolic production – especially the journalistic, cultural/artistic and academic sectors – to intensify the internationalization of the regressive scandal.

More than ever, the awareness of the historical and political danger – the same one that appears, dimly, in the polls of voting intentions – recommends thickening executive and parliamentary candidacies aligned with the expansion and renewal of anti-fascist opposition thinking and the aforementioned social rights; and occupy the streets (under anti-pandemic precautions) to point out threats (physical and symbolic) and, as much as possible, frame and neutralize their sources.

For those who are still not comfortable with agglomerations – continues the strategic prudence – it is worth diving into digital networks in favor of what remains of the republican building, the rule of law and democracy in the country. Certainly, proclaiming loud and clear against tyrants that there will be no coup (whatever it may be) neither before, nor during, nor after the elections, and that the result will be respected and executed by the institutions – whatever the cost and it hurts whoever it hurts – is still good for your own sanity. Undoubtedly, number – in all public and collective contexts – will count to the detriment of greater absurdities.

Enough – a drop of water without impeachment presidential – the long and embarrassing negotiation with hydroxychloroquine in 2021, which delayed the vaccination process for a long time, with fatal consequences for thousands of families.

The ideological hallucination of the extreme right, whose institutional reach spread illiteracy, mocked murders, strengthened racism and homophobia, and depreciated the image of the population internationally, will never prevent that, one day, Brazil puts its feet back on the ground and on prosperous tracks, far from pariah status on the famine map.

* Eugene Trivinho Professor of the Graduate Program in Communication and Semiotics at PUC-SP.

 

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