Jeca Tatu caricatures

Hamilton Grimaldi's photo


The representation of Brazil in caricatures

The thesis Jeca Tatu strictly speaking, by Flavio Pessoa, dedicated to caricatured versions of that character, is marked by a great deal of information and empirical evidence, good period documentation and a weighty bibliography, often reviewed. Carried out in the field of Visual Arts, it shows mastery and technical zeal in image analysis[I]. The title announces the metamorphosis of Monteiro Lobato's literary character into a caricatural figure produced collectively by the Carioca press, in the second and third decades of the XNUMXth century.

Pessoa stresses that the presence of the character Zé Povo in this Press, prior to Jeca Tatu as a caricatured representation of Brazil, has diminished since the end of the second decade of the XNUMXth century. It would be convenient to further discuss this shrinkage in the context of the appearance of the literary Jeca Tatu and changes in the Brazilian political debate at the time, including considering the first post-war period, its differences in relation to the previous caipira in different languages ​​(Theatre, Literature, etc.). If Zé Povo referred to the republican regime and political rights, Jeca Tatu evoked more poverty and technical backwardness, which is symptomatic after the Russian Revolution and the rearrangements of world capitalism.

A historical specificity of the Lobatean Jeca Tatu in relation to the former caipira is his distance from the racial explanation. Monteiro Lobato even said that Jeca and bandeirantes belonged to the same race. But the allegory of the Republic, in these magazines, was a blonde woman in a racist country, with a large black and mixed-race population.

The impact of that literary creation was very strong, to the point of being mentioned in a speech in the Senate by Ruy Barbosa in 1919. Its presence in Brazilian culture has been prolonged, from the advertisement of Biotônico Fontoura to films by Mazzaropi and indirect quotations in television characters, passing through for a parody on the song “Jeca Total”, by Gilberto Gil, from 1975.

The caricatured character Jeca Tatu dialogued with themes such as Politics, Football, Carnival (as in the drawing by J. Carlos “The three powers that govern us”, Mask; Rio de Janeiro: Kosmos, XIV [698], 5 Nov 1921), when constitutional powers were parodied around him. He also appeared as a traction animal of Politics, similarly to the previous Zé Povo, victim and sufferer (“O Povo above all”, by J. Carlos, Mask, XV [709], 21 Jan 1922 ; “Pegged to the clotheslines”, by J. Carlos, Mask, XIV [701], 26 Nov 1921). These are significant issues, which cannot be reduced to a fixed place for the characters involved, inviting us to think more about Politics as a dispute.

When Jeca appears reading a newspaper upside down, in the context of the Independence Centenary celebrations, in addition to the literal meaning of the image (he reads nothing, he must be illiterate), it is worth noting that the character seemed alien to what was being celebrated, excluded from the nation, true upside-down world (“Um ano de rejozijo”, by J. Carlos, Mask, XV [708], 14 Jan 1922). In another moment, the presidents of Portugal and Argentina look down on the Brazilian people; it is worth remembering that Brazil, in the image, is not represented by its ruler, there is a kind of hierarchy between countries and positions of these characters (“Imagina só if I weren’t illiterate”, by Belmonte, Mask, XV [746], 7 Oct 1922). And the rural Jeca, in front of the urban Cardoso (representation of the middle class; “A descendencia de Jó”, by J. Carlos, the mallet, Rio de Janeiro: Pimenta de Mello, XXIV [1198], 29 Aug 1925) transfers rationality to the urban and that class. Despite this, in the face of a subsequent weak commemoration of September 7, Jeca and Cardoso seem to fraternize as images of Brazil (“Era uma vez”, by J. Carlos, the mallet, Rio de Janeiro: Pimenta de Mello, XXIII [1148], September 13, 1924).

Flavio's thesis employs the dubious historical notions of the "First Republic" and "Revolution of the 30s", criticized by Carlos Alberto Vesentini and Edgar de Decca as early as 1978[ii]. In a similar vein, he speaks of “provisional post-revolutionary government”, which refers to the framework “Revolution of the 30s”. And the Paraguayan designer Andrés Guevara was more associated with the 30s, within that conventional periodization, although he had been working in Brazil since the previous decade, as discussed by Flavio.

The use of expressions like “unequivocal progress”, “progress sign” e “great breakthrough” evidences a linear vision of History, lacking in criticism. The same procedure is observed in “relative freedom”: if it's relative, it's not freedom...

Flavio talks about his main character, conformism and supporting social role; it would be worth considering how Jeca Tatu was made supporting; complaining and declaring oneself a victim are not just acts of conformism. Faced with the thesis' criticisms of racism present in caricatures, it would be good to include Brazilian writers of the time in the debate, such as Monteiro Lobato, Paulo Prado and Mario de Andrade, who outlined the overcoming of that racial argument from the late 10s and into the following decade. of the last century[iii]. There is social and racial plurality in Zé Povo[iv], Jeca Tatu's caricatured predecessor in some respects, a Zé Povo not only “urban, well-groomed, wearing a suit and a Panama hat or a straw hat with a stiff brim”, also issuer of complaints against government neglect in relation to housing and education.

Pessoa's thesis understands that there was a ruralist political hegemony in the first three republican decades of Brazil. It is worth remembering, with Warren Dean, that coffee growers also invested in finance, transport and industry, from which that hegemony encompassed different economic fields[v]. In a similar sense, Pessoa considers that there was modern mass communication in Brazil at the time studied, and it is worth emphasizing the diversity of this universe, which included writers as different from each other as Euclides da Cunha, Lima Barreto, Olavo Bilac and Monteiro Lobato. In a similar vein, Flávio cites Nicolau Sevcenko, for whom the work of literati in the press at that time “eliminated or drastically reduced the free time needed for literary contemplation.”[vi]. It is necessary to discuss what this contemplation is in the capitalist market, remember that great names in Brazilian Literature have published in periodicals – Machado de Assis, Euclides da Cunha, Lima Barreto and others[vii].

By pointing to the 1908 National Exhibition as a reference for cultural and artistic balances about Brazil, Flávio failed to comment that the event commemorated the centenary of the Opening of the Ports (and the monarchy…), showing that not all intellectuals defended an egalitarian republic. And the passage of the pioneer caricaturist Ângelo Agostini, from an independent editor to a collaborator in periodicals edited by others, has a strong symbolic value in the History of the Brazilian Press[viii].

Defining the expansion of printed drawing in journalism and the masses, therefore, requires identifying these topics in Brazil, a country marked, then, by limits in urbanization, transportation and literacy. The independence of the caricature in relation to the State needs to be demonstrated beyond the postures of scholars who highlight the critical power of the genre[ix]. It is good to remember that the caricaturists formed a group of makers of images and interpretations, opinion makers, edited by third parties.

When indicating transgression through laughter, it is necessary to point out the existence of very conservative humour, such as the Nazi films that compared Jews to rats, as well as much of the television humor against poor, impotent men, ugly women. Tensions between drawers and editors remind us that caricaturists were (and still are!) submitted to the general edition of periodicals. And when identifying laughter with disorder, it is necessary to be careful with idealizations, since there were and are censorships by journal editors, in addition to conservative cartoonists. An important comic artist after the time studied by Flávio, Henfil, in order to publish freely, opted for independent and irregular editions in periodization of the magazine fradim.[X]

Pessoa points out simplification in caricature language (composition, scenery). Perhaps it would be better to talk about other modalities of being visually complex, through syntheses and parodies, as can be seen in an example of Guevara, which the thesis comments, evoking Cubism (“Mr. Assis Brasil promises to devastate the Government, in the Chamber”, by Andres Guevara, the mallet, Rio de Janeiro: Pimenta de Mello, XXVII [1342], 2 June 1928). A cover (untitled, by Calixto Cordeiro, the mallet, Rio de Janeiro: Editora O Malho, II [38], June 6, 1903) is a drawing how to do it in action, Zé Povo paints the name of the magazine on the wall, as if Povo did it.

Flávio's use of expressions such as “underdeveloped and dependent economic system”, "First World", “Structural problems in the country” e “mutt complex” invites us to think about risks of anachronism and ask whether they were part of the vocabulary of the period studied or require mediation in their use.

The problem of the national character, discussed at different moments of the study, reminds, on the contrary, Macunaíma, "hero without any character" (Mario de Andrade's book is from 1928), to emphasize that that trait is an invention, not a given.

There is a reference, from Isabel Lustosa[xi], to Calixto, Raul and J. Carlos as a genuinely Brazilian caricature, a criterion that deserves to be discussed: although born in Europe, what were the previous Ângelo Agostini and Henrique Fleiuss, in their characters and themes?

When commenting on the South American Football Championship (untitled, from Belmonte, Mask, Rio de Janeiro: Kosmos, XV [749], 28 October 1922), it should be noted that the sport of the toothless (poor) exposed there seems to dominate the Brazilian Academy of Letters (elite), tramples on texts and suggests that it is changing social class or expresses the desire for social belonging that the caricaturist preferred, becoming popular.

J. Carlos uses the expression “I don't want to know more about her” in a cover drawing, resuming the motto of a samba by Francisco Alves and Rosa Negra, recorded in 1928 (“Nunca mais”, by J. Carlos, the mallet, Rio de Janeiro: Pimenta de Mello, XXVI [1297], 23 jul 1927), which can evoke dialogues between such languages ​​– the song may predate the recording or the composers may have used the same language reference[xii]. And the stereotypes in caricatures about blacks deserve to be compared to favelas and different blacks in the painting of Lasar Segall, Tarsila do Amaral and Di Cavalcanti, with dates of plastic production and its national dissemination.

Flavio speaks of humor as endowed with complementary historical traces, a dubious notion based on his own research, dedicated to questions that are not found in other documents of the time, only to be found in this potential laughter. Evoking the notion of seriousness, as opposed to laughter, it would be up to Flávio Pessoa to return to Luís Felipe Baeta Neves' article on the ideology of seriousness[xiii].

The comparison of the important designer Andrés Guevara to Henfil is appropriate and could include the also excellent Antonio Nássara, visual provocateurs that they are, preserving the historical differences between them.

Flavio mentions Herman Lima along with more recent historians. It is always good to remember that Lima's classic work is more properly journalistic and archival, without any demerit.

The thousandth edition of Careta brings an editorial self-image as a publication alien to political disputes (“The number mil”.  Mask, Rio de Janeiro, Kosmos, XX [1000], 20 Aug 1927). I understand that the coverage of the Revolta da Chibata (1910), for example, reveals the magazine's intense taking of sides against the rebels.

A speech by Raul Pederneiras, when rejecting puns, suggests a certain contempt for popular language, despite its label. carioca contraption, dedicated to this universe.[xiv] Certainly, our look at this field of language, after the essays by Mario de Andrade and Câmara Cascudo and the literature by Guimarães Rosa, which refer to popular erudition, is very different from that one. viewpoints[xv].

The attribution of illiterate speech to the caipira in these caricatures invites us to think about other facets of the character, who is also endowed with cunning, an issue that Flavio addresses towards the end of his thesis. It is worth remembering that Mario de Andrade thought about the project of a Dictionary of Brazilian Portuguese, which he did not materialize.

Pessoa highlights relationships between theatrical language and graphic humor, with an emphasis on scenography and texts, produced by some caricaturists. It is also possible to identify these ties in the use of facial and body expressions in humorous images. Regarding racial diversity in Brazilian theater at the time, it is worth remembering that Ruy Fausto's book on Rio de Janeiro in the 20s, quoted by Flavio, mentions black revue theater in that decade.

Poor characters of J. Carlos are characterized by wrong speech, ignorance index. Hence, Pessoa concluded that this humor was a discourse aimed at the socially privileged strata, an argument that deserved greater demonstration in the context of reading practices of this group, which included foreign publications. The perspective of this humor corresponds to the interests of such social layers, but cultural production can introduce tensions in these situations, as observed, among others, in Machado de Assis[xvi].

To speak of nationalist crises of intellectuals may suggest generalizations; it is a valid criterion for authors such as Euclides da Cunha and Lima Barreto, but unlikely with regard to the majority of writers and other artists from the period studied. In the same sense, the criterion of changes in the periphery of Capitalism requires nuances, taking into account socially differentiated receptions.

When caricaturists speak of the Republic, Monarchy and the risk of retrogression, they do not seem to include the problem of slavery. The reference to the imperial republic (“A Imperial República”, by J. Carlos, Mask, Rio de Janeiro: Kosmos, XIII [615], 3 Apr 1920) is explicit as anti-Germanism but can also be read as a mention of Brazil.

Regarding women in the DF, it was more frequent in those magazines to maintain the boundaries of the urban elite and middle class. The old man on the beach appears as weak and without courage, the woman is fat and dependent (untitled, by J. Carlos, Mask, Rio de Janeiro: Kosmos, XII [631], 24 July 1920). The girl who wants a rich boyfriend (“Tableau!”, by J. Carlos, Mask, Rio de Janeiro: Kosmos, XIII [613], March 20, 1920) suggests a relationship without romanticism, devoid of love or metamorphosing this feeling into pecuniary.

In references to racism in the XNUMXth century, it is worth remembering nuances in the XNUMXth century, in authors such as Lima Barreto and Manoel Bomfim, addressed by Flávio, lacking to follow debates on the latter author[xvii]. Even Sylvio Romero and Euclides da Cunha deserve revision[xviii]. The Lombard Nina Rodrigues, for example, was opposed to the destruction of Candomblé terreiros.

By mentioning Gilberto Freyre and the idealizing concept of harmony between races, it would be possible to establish parallels with the multiracial Macunaíma (born black and stay white) and the intentional Brazilian racial mess established in the narrative.

The propaganda image with the beating of a black boy (“A screwing up of the boy Benjamin”, by Loureiro, the mallet, Rio de Janeiro: Pimenta de Mello, XVIII [883], 16 Aug 1919), published eight years after the Revolt against the Chibata, naturalizes violence against blacks, a practice that occurs until the XNUMXst century, including in institutions linked to the State, like the Palmares Institute of today. Racism in images by J. Carlos, who is an excellent humor artist, deserves to be debated as a serious problem not only for him, but also for editors and the public. And the black man who is simultaneously accused and blamed at the police station (“O Inquiry”, by J. Carlos, Mask, Rio de Janeiro: Kosmos, VIII [390], 11 December 1915) looks like a big, strong, brutish man, as if these traits already blamed him.

Although Flavio speaks of “relative absence or scarcity of representations of popular music in the caricature production of the moment”, Mônica Velloso (cited in the thesis) registers drawings by Raul Pederneiras about music in different neighborhoods in Rio de Janeiro and blacks appear in the popular milieu[xx].

When talking about the vision, through the caricatures, “shared by the dominant social groups, either from the industries that produce it or from the readers that consume it”, it is necessary to emphasize that we are facing different powers and that the users of those images were not just those groups.

When commenting on the image of the black journalist Francisco José Gomes Guimarães (Vagalume), Flavio points out that he was not “represented in a stereotypical way as black characters were treated in the caricature” (“Popular Types”, by Calixto Cordeiro, the mallet, Rio de Janeiro: Editora o Malho, III [83], 16 Apr 1904). That man's hands and feet, however, were intentionally deformed to be too large.

The theme of popular music and dance present at domestic parties, based on a quotation by Elias Saliba (“when they saw him in the streets they ended up calling the police”), harbors a certain opposition between family and the street, as if those who danced in public were not family. .[xx] The fact that they are sung and danced in Brazilian houses by the “sinhazinhas and sinhás”, in the words of Bastos Tigre, would be “a forbidden fruit savored in a sneaky way, in a pleasant awakening of the instincts of the race” – forbidden ma non troppo… The presence of music and dance from the poor Cidade Nova in rich spaces in the Federal District could benefit from reading the novel Numa and the nymph, by Lima Barreto, partially set in that neighborhood, with a resident of it (Lucrécio Barba de Bode) peripherally attending elite salons. Lima Barreto, in another novel (Sad end of Policarpo Quaresma), presented the central character, a middle-class man, taking guitar lessons with the mulatto Ricardo Coração dos outros[xxx].

It should be noted that the clothes of a gentleman who removes his “cook” (both black) to dance seem loose and inappropriate (“A cooka no baile”, by J. Carlos, Mask, Rio de Janeiro: Kosmos, XIII [639], September 18, 1920), which suggests a poorly finished imitation of the elite by the poor and well off, with the woman identified by humble work. The noted musical refinement of choro, performed and circulated in popular and elite circles, indicates circularity between classes and hierarchical cultural levels in other respects, a theoretical issue discussed by Carlo Ginzburg based on Mikhail Bakhtin.[xxiii] The evocation of the last Author is very appropriate, it should be noted that his target was the medieval and Renaissance sacred, a different situation in Brazil at the beginning of the XNUMXth century.

A group of blacks, in another ballroom (“'Choro' ao thirteen de Maio”, by Augusto Rocha, the mallet, Rio de Janeiro: Editora O Malho, IV [191], May 12, 1906), indicates a level of speech along with social ascension and celebrated abolition, but also provoking crying (music/sadness). And the black musicians designated as “Chocolate” (“Chocolate Poets”, by J. Carlos, Mask, Rio de Janeiro: Kosmos, IX [429], September 9, 1916),) mix facial stereotypes with a certain appreciation – sweetness, good things – in the week of publication after September 7th.

In the comparison between ballroom carnival and street carnival, it would be worth recalling a similar situation at Jorge Amado de tent of miracles.[xxiii] The old street carnival traditions of the XNUMXth century were designated as “waste of a time that should be forgotten” but they continued. It is worth noting that these were not spontaneous traditions, but their own cultural productions. The popular carnival, in João do Rio, was described as fire, a possible erotic metaphor. And the carnivalesque cordons included snakes and other elements of African culture in Brazil. It would be good to reproduce the aforementioned paintings by Rodolfo Chambelland and Timotheo da Costa on carnival.

A large colombina, with a small pierrot in her hand (“O dreamed of Colombina”, by J. Carlos, Mask, Rio de Janeiro: Kosmos, XV [714], 25 Feb 1922), suggests that women's desire and power are greater than the male counterparts. In another carnival scene (“Desempregada”, cover by J. Carlos, Mask, Rio de Janeiro: Kosmos, XV [714], 25 Feb 1922), shame figures as unemployed and unused. In this context, women appear more than men, possibly sexist voyeurism. Carnival is described in the thesis as an outlet and alienation. Carnival and the Republic are represented through white characters (“untitled, cover by Alfredo Storni, the mallet, Rio de Janeiro: Editora O Malho, XIII [597], 21 Feb 1914), which deserves further comment as it refers to such a black party in Brazil.

The audience at football stadiums is often made up, in caricatures, of elite men and women (“Foot-ball”, by J. Carlos, Mask, Rio de Janeiro: Kosmos, X [473], July 14, 1917), which may be an idealization of an already existing popular football. A black man appears with women, mixing seduction with the language of soccer (“Torcedores”, by J. Carlos, Mask, Rio de Janeiro: Kosmos, XII [568], 10 May 1919), three days before the commemoration of Abolition.

For Flávio, “Although a strong critical bias is reserved for politics, this falls on an abstract entity, without a face or precise identifications”. It is an important analysis, which can be unfolded in the consideration of metamorphoses of that critical bias in specific historical situations.

Sérgio Buarque de Hollanda, like other Authors, was subjected by Pessoa to a critical scrutiny, noting that he worked with the Weberian concept of ideal-type. It is doubtful that Buarque de Hollanda considered immutable panoramas, as observed in the chapter “Our revolution” and in other parts of Brazil roots.[xxv]

Jeca Tatu with bare feet (“Scenes from the interior”, by Alfredo Storni, Mask, Rio de Janeiro: Kosmos, XVI [761], 29 January 1923) is reminiscent of slavery, when captives were forbidden to wear shoes. In that same image, a skeletal mare is used as an image of Brazil's financial situation, establishing a certain paradox of laughter: God may be Brazilian, as Jeca says there, but Brazil is in a very bad situation!

Relations between the State and the poor (“Pontos de vista”, by J. Carlos, the mallet, Rio de Janeiro: Pimenta de Mello, XXIV [1187], 13 jun 1925) place the latter as the universe of the weak, lacking further characterization in the thesis who these bearers of weakness would be. The object of repression, in this case, is a poor and small boy, a symbolic dimension of the weak being the smallest socially.

On the return of the mortal remains of former monarchs to Brazil (“Os despojos imperiales”, by J. Carlos, Mask, Rio de Janeiro: Kosmos, XIII [631], 24 July 1920), there is a certain ambiguity in the caricature about who would be the dead who ruled Brazil or not – those of the Empire or the then current presidents?

The cover that suggests the Furies arrest Zé Povo (“Sete de Setembro”, by Calixto Cordeiro, the mallet, Rio de Janeiro: Editora O Malho, XVI [782], 8 Sep 1917) is a tragic allegory, transformed into caricature, a simultaneity of genres frequent in these magazines. It should be remembered that the authorship of the Anthem of Independence, chanted in this image, is attributed to Pedro I, which may be associated with monarchist arguments. And in another image about the Centenary of Independence (“O Centenário”, Mask, Rio de Janeiro: Kosmos, XIV [667], 2 Apr 1921), there is an allegorical character who is half old, half baby, sum of needs in the face of grandiose announced reurbanization works.

Linked to the halter vote, the voter is also identified as Zé Besta and Zé Burro (“The next elections… 'with a halter'”, by Alfredo Storni, Mask, Rio de Janeiro: Kosmos, XX [974], 9 Feb 1927), verbal sequence that evokes Zé Povo. In these terms, he is associated with stupidity and heavy load work, represented as a donkey and victim of others – Sovereignty, dressed as a Republic, and a Politician.

It is very good to evoke Darcy Ribeiro to highlight the struggles of the people[xxiv]; it remains to be mentioned that he highlights the defeats of the same people, remaining close to that defeated representation of Zé Povo and Jeca Tatu.

On the relations between Zé Povo, Monarchy and Republic (untitled, by Crispim Amaral, the mallet, Rio de Janeiro: Editora O Malho, I [2], 27 September 1902), it would be stimulating to dialogue with historiographical discussions about monarchists after the end of the Empire[xxv]. In another image, Zé Povo appears with Venceslau Braz and seems to ask to be ridden as if he were a horse (“Lição de equitação”, by Alfredo Storni, the mallet, Rio de Janeiro: Editora O Malho, XIII [613], 13 jun 1914), act of apparent voluntary servitude[xxviii].

In the relationship between Jeca and Festa pela República (“Toca o hino”, by J. Carlos, Mask, Rio de Janeiro: Pimenta de Mello, XXII [1065], 17 November 1928), a critique of the regime was outlined in the speech of that character: “Little misfortune is 'bobage'.”. And Jeca Tatu, barefoot, again in front of Washington Luís (“No competitors”, by J. Carlos, the mallet, Rio de Janeiro: Pimenta de Mello, XXVII [1224], 27 Feb 1928), suggests fraud in republican politics. In the conviviality between Jeca and characters who represent Portugal, England and the United States (“Tudo Descobrido”, by J. Carlos, the mallet, Rio de Janeiro: Pimenta de Mello, XXVII [1338], 5 May 1928), the semi-nudity of the character evokes a context of his exploitation by others.

At the end of his research, Flavio indicates a more recent humor drawing (cover, untitled, by Mario Alberto, Throw, Rio de Janeiro, XVIII, 15 June 2014 –, where Gigante Brasil wakes up and is designated as a decoration helper for the World Cup that year. He could remember that, afterwards, parts of the giant participated in the overthrow of President Dilma Roussef, with the right to praise the torturer Brilhante Ustra in Congress and dictatorships Michel Temer and Jair Bolsonaro in the sequence. The giant has shrunk as a supporting actor for mediocre dictatorships.

But that's a problem for another survey of politics, laughter, and caricature.[xxviii]

* Mark Silva is a professor at the Department of History at FFLCH-USP.


[I] PESSOA, Flavio Mota de Lacerda. Jeca Tatu strictly speaking – Representations of the Brazilian people in Careta and O Malho. Doctoral Thesis in Visual Arts, defended at EBA/UFRJ. Rio de Janeiro: typed, March 26, 2021.

[ii] VESENTINI, Carlos and DE DECCA, Edgar. "The winner's revolution". Counterpoint. Rio de Janeiro: Noel Nütels Study Center, I (2): 60/69, Nov 1976.

[iii] MONTEIRO LOBATO, Jose Bento. Urupes. São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1980 (1st ed.: 1918).

PRADO, Paul. portrait of Brazil. Sao Paulo: Cia. das Letras, 1997 (1st ed.: 1928).

ANDRADE, Mario. Macunaíma – The hero without any character. São Paulo: Martins, 1972 (1st ed.: 1928).

[iv] SILVA, Mark. Caricature Republic – Zé Povo and Brazil. São Paulo: CNPq/Marco Zero, 1990.

The book resumes:

IDEM. Humor and Politics in the Press – The Eyes of Zé Povo Fon-Fon, 1907/1910). Master's Dissertation in Social History, defended at FFLCH/USP. São Paulo: typed, 1981.

[v] DEAN, Warren. The industrialization of São Paulo. Translation by Octávio Mendes Cajado. São Paulo: European Book Diffusion/EDUSP, 1971.

[vi] SEVCENKO, Nicholas. Literature as a mission. São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1983.

[vii] There are good comments on different literary strategies in that Brazilian Press at:

SANTOS, Poliana dos. The people and the paradise of the wealthy – Rio de Janeiro, 1900/1920 – Chronicles and other writings by Lima Barreto and João do Rio. Doctoral Thesis in Social History, defended at FFLCH/USP. São Paulo: typed, 2018.

[viii] SODRÉ, Nelson Werneck. Press History in Brazil. Rio de Janeiro: Brazilian Civilization, 1966.

MARINGONI, Gilberto. Ângelo Agostini – The Illustrated Press from the Court to the Federal Capital (1864/1910). São Paulo: Devir Livraria, 2011.

[ix] STAMBOWSKY, Marissa. Belmonte: caricatures of the 1920s🇧🇷 Rio de Janeiro: FGV, 2019.

BURKEPeter. Eyewitness: the use of images as historical evidence🇧🇷 São Paulo: Edusp, 2017.

GOMBRICH, EH "The Cartoonist's Armory", in: Meditations on a Hobby Horse and Other Essays on the Theory of Art. Translated by Geraldo Gerson de Souza. São Paulo: Edusp, 1999, pp 127/142.

Pessoa's thesis does not indicate the pioneering and classic essays by Monteiro Lobato, Gonzaga Duque and Max Fleiuss on caricature in Brazil, nor the article by E. Duprèel, from the late 20s of the last century, which talks about laughter of reception and laughter of rejection.

MONTEIRO LOBATO, Jose Bento. “Caricature in Brazil”, in: Ideas by Jeca Tatu. São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1959, pp 3/21 (1st ed.: 1919).

DUQUE, Gonzaga. Contemporary – Painters and sculptors. Rio de Janeiro, Typography Benedito de Souza, 1929.

FLEIUSS, Max. “Caricature in Brazil”. Magazine of the Brazilian Historical and Geographical Institute. Rio de Janeiro, IHGB, 80: 584/609, 1915.

DUPREÈL, E. “Le problem sociologique du rire”. Revue Philosophique de la France et de l'Étranger. Paris: F. Alcan, 106: 213/260, Sep/Oct 1928.

[X] SILVA, Mark. Laughing at Dictatorships – Henfil’s Teeth (Fradim, 1971/1980). São Paulo: Intermeios/USP-Postgraduate Program in Social History, 2018.

The book resumes:

IDEM. Laughing at Dictatorships – Henfil’s Teeth – Essays on the fradim .. Habilitation Thesis in Methodology of History, defended at FFLCH/USP. São Paulo: typed, 2000.

[xi] LUSTOSA, Isabel. “Humour and Politics in the First Republic”. USP Magazine. São Paulo: USP, 3, 53/64, Sep/Nov 1989.

[xii] I don't want to know more about her.(samba)… 1928 .. Francisco Alves … › watch

This refrain was taken up again in another samba by Arlindo Cruz e Sombrinha, recorded, among other performers, by Beth Carvalho.

Beth Carvalho - I don't want to Sbut More of Her – YouTube › watch. Checked on March 20, 2021.

Ruy Castro points out Alves as a buyer of other people's sambas.

CASTRO, Ruy. Metropolis by the sea – Modern Rio in the 20s. Sao Paulo: Cia. of Letters, 2019.

SILVA, Mark. “Metropolis by the sea – Modern Rio in the 20s”. book review metropolis by the sea, cited edition. the earth is round. Sao Paulo, Feb 4 2021 › metropole-a-beira-mar-o-rio-…

[xiii] NEVES, Luis Felipe Baeta. “The ideology of seriousness and the joker paradox”. Voices Culture Magazine. Petrópolis, Voices, 5 (68): 35/41, 1974.

[xiv] PEDERNEIRAS, Raul. Carioca contraption: entries for a slang dictionary. Rio de Janeiro: Graphic Workshops of Jornal do Brasil, 1922.

[xv] ANDRADE, Mario de. Witchcraft music in Brazil. São Paulo: Martins, 1963.

CAMARA CASCUDO, Luís da. Five books of the people. Rio de Janeiro: José Olímpio, 1953.

GUIMARÃES ROSA, João. Great Sertão: Veredas. Sao Paulo: Cia. das Letras, 2019 (1st ed.: 1956).

[xvi] MACHADO DE ASSIS, Jose Maria. The Posthumous Memoirs of Bras Cubas. Rio de Janeiro: Nova Aguilar, 1996 (1st ed.: 1880).

[xvii] SILVA, Jose Maria de Oliveira. From Revolution to Education – Republican Radicalism in Manoel Bomfim. Master's Dissertation in Social History, defended at FFLCH/USP. São Paulo: typed, 1991.

[xviii] BECELLI, Ricardo. Metamorphoses in the interpretation of Brazil – Tensions in the racist paradigm. Doctoral Thesis in Social History, defended at FFLCH/USP. São Paulo: typed, 2009.

[xx] VELLOSO, Monica. Modernism in Rio de Janeiro: turunas and quixotes. Rio de Janeiro: Editora FGV, 1996.

[xx] SALIBA, Elias. Roots of Rio: humorous representation in Brazilian history: from the Belle Époque to the early days of radio. São Paulo: Cia das Letras, 2002.

[xxx] LIMA BARRETO, Afonso Henriques. Numa and the nymph. São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1956 (1st ed.: 1915).

IDEM. Sad end of Policarpo Quaresma. São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1956 (1st ed.: 1911).

[xxiii] GINZBURG, Carlo. The cheese and the worms. Translation by Renata Sammer. Sao Paulo: Cia. of Letters, 2006.

BAKHTIN, Mikhail. Popular culture in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. The context of François Rabelais. Translation by Yara Frateschi Vieira. So Paulo: Hucitec, 2008.

[xxiii] AMADO, George. Tent of Miracles. Sao Paulo: Cia. das Letras, 2006 (1st ed.: 1969).

[xxv] BUARQUE DE HOLLANDA, Sergio. Brazil roots; São Paulo: Cia das Letras, 1995 (1st ed.: 1936).

[xxiv] RIBEIRO, Darcy. The Brazilian people: the formation and meaning of Brazil. Sao Paulo: Global, 2005.

[xxv] JANOTTI, Maria de Lourdes Monaco. The subversives of the Republic. São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1986.

SILVA, Edward. Dom Obá II of Africa, the Prince of the People. Sao Paulo: Cia. of Letters, 1997.

[xxviii] Brazilians rarely had access to La Boétie's text during the period studied by Flavio, but it is always good to read this classic to reflect on its problems from different contexts.

LA BOETIE, Étienne. Discourse on voluntary servitude. Translation by Laymert Garcia dos Santos. Afterwords by Laymert Garcia dos Santos, Claude Lefort and Marilena Chaui. São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1982.


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