2022 election campaign – the grammar of differentiation

Marcel Duchamp, Miles of String, 1943
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By LUIZ ROBERTO ALVES*

The variation of candidates for president of the republic in addition to Lula and Bolsonaro

This text is dedicated only to strengthen the columnist's previous article and produce some alerts in the framework of the tertiary, or the variation of candidates for president of the republic in addition to Lula and Bolsonaro.

Regarding strengthening on the work already written in the earth is round a few days ago, remember that the fundamental representative of the candidates will be language, speech and writing. In this way, speeches and campaign texts will be able to suggest to voters honesty/dishonesty, truth/untruth, knowledge/ignorance, assertion/deception, objectification/blah-blah-blah, etc. It would be puerile for candidates to try to make it understood that they say and write great things and are vilified in their “great speeches” by their opponents. This can happen, but it does not determine the badness or horror of the texts and speeches.

Bad texts and speeches are, as occurs in world literature, incapable of characterizing facts, processes and objectified people, falsifying (due to absence and interests) data and situations and incompetent to highlight indissoluble ties between the parts in which the totality of the message is realized. and its textual organization. They don't close. They are made to deceive, deceive and convince, without a structure that proves the real, that connects arguments, that signals values, both from an allegedly assumed formal logic and in the face of democratic and citizen social history.

How does a historically suffered and dehumanized society, such as Brazil, separate the wheat from the chaff, assertion from deceit? Perhaps, as a starting point, from his suffering and hard experiences. Agnes Heller suggested in her works ( daily life and history, for example) that it is precisely from everyday life that the person/individual reveals himself in a repetitive, illogical and boring conscience (which is why he is often deceived during election season); however, simple curiosity can lead to a new conquest, that is, individualized consciousness reveals and reveals itself that there are forces, movements and tendencies of a social nature, open and problematic. In a next step, what was limited to the individual starts to contain social, historical values. Hence, the social and the individual, the greater history and the everyday, will be equivalent, which includes family and group values, memories and traditions, as António Gramsci also showed. It certainly follows the non-reproduction or repetition, but the debate, the expanded reading, the dialogue, the learnings and the teachings. It is, basically, a kind of communicational revolution that builds and organizes psychosocial life.

This has undoubtedly been the way in which all rural and urban leaders were created and revealed, from the forests, from the quilombos, from the indigenous world, from union practice, from peripheral youth to the great urban centers of exclusion.

Probably the best propaedeutic discourse, from now on, by the really progressive candidates (of social progress and not of neoliberal development) is the one that touches on this structure that goes from repetitive everyday life to creative and liberating psychosocial.

Remember that even “forcing the bar” candidates of liberal-developmentalism will not be able to articulate this discourse. It is old nonsense to say that "paper will take anything". Accepted, but the result is bad, misleading, broken-footed, cartoonish, untrue.

There is also an immense demystifying and liberating role to be played by popular organizations, struggle movements in all areas of Brazilian life and convinced and competent leaders. It will be a big move in that direction. In fact, starting from human curiosity, from the desirable citizen and building political awareness is part of the scientific methodology, which makes a similar process in the direction of discoveries, discoveries and revelations in favor of life, its sufferings (in the case of health and housing, etc.) and their fundamental and civil rights.

This country, which has suffered since the 1500s, has already gone too far with its crooked and squinting republicanism. Authoritarian. Especially in electoral practices. It is time for historical balance, between dehumanization (colonial, imperial and “republican”) and the Brazilian becoming of citizenship. Cidadanear is a verb that, if it were conjugated customarily, would have few connections. In fact, the great connection of citizenship is with. do not become citizens[I], or citizenship, alone, liberally, in any way. The twinning, solidarity and collective construction determine the condition of citizen, of citizen. We are a long way from that!! Can anyone from the neoliberal field among the candidacies prove the opposite? It's just not enough to say that "it's improved a lot compared to a while ago". This speech is cruel and vile, because this subtropical society has small rises and hard falls, which results in the continuation of hunger, poverty, poor education, disgraceful housing, death from agrochemicals in agribusiness, the “congress centers” national”, of criminals who are friends with viruses in times of a pandemic, etc. Worse, the declines in progressive times are sharpened violently and the drops in liberal and even fascist times are softened, normalized.

With regard to the central concept of dehumanization, Paulo Freire made a drawing in his own hand that remained unknown for a long time (because the first editions perhaps did not even know about it) and was revealed in Pedagogy of the Oppressed (manuscript). It would be appropriate to visualize it and see what results in the texts of columnists trapped in the various third-ways, among tertiary gaudens and yungens.

It follows, to Mr. Rogério Marinho and the millions who perhaps only know Paulo's name:

Words are missing, such as Theory (upper left angle), subjects, leadership, mediated object. But the places where the arrows point are clear and objective.

It should be remembered that such a drawing gains precise projections and meanings in an analysis that considers Paulo's various works. Warning to pirate speakers.

About tertius, the toughest choices have already been made by editorialists. An old story of the Brazilian press, always treated with self-justification, a supposed sense of collaboration for the country and complacency. Perhaps an irremediable phenomenon, not least because it has been materialized by newspapers in the United States and Europe, reason enough to do the same here. No analysis of our real conditions of production and dissemination of information, state of education and political culture and other variables in relation to central and prestigious countries in genuflection. Moro seems to be the chosen one, in the Sebastianist attitude of several Brazilian newspapers. O State St. Paul it even invests in special surveys to determine the prestige of the car wash candidate and its own.

It is not a case of complaining or begging for curses. Face it, yes. In fact, Brazilian society can press in favor of guaranteeing the representation of the different candidates and build an innovative system of debates (do not reproduce!!), interlocutions within the media, critical spirit in the face of speeches, without any protectionist attitude of this or that , this or that. As for the media, it has fierce owners and associates, who dodge regulations like hell. They take advantage of the large international trade in data. What is marketed, converges.

Hence, it will be easy to understand and even destroy by analysis the media messages about their “chosen ones”. Considering the legal status of the issue, former President Lula's field of work will be harshly attacked through the lavajatista formality, also taken advantage of by candidates other than Moro. In other words: data, facts, processes, phenomena given in history will not be of interest. Of interest will be the compromised speeches between the judge and the prosecution before the analysis of the STF, the “conviction of Moro”, the lines of his book, the “great thefts of Petrobrás”, perhaps the socialism or the communism of the candidate, in fact, the most tattered of the speeches. At issue, therefore, are the historical and scientific readings versus the “convictions” of the judge who moves back and forth in search of his own justification for his existence. Moro is not a political being, but a person objectified by himself to reach adolescence daydreams. Until now, nothing allows him to think that it will not be a disaster worse than that of Collor, “hunter of maharajas”. With the support of big newspapers and sectors of the world of law, whose memory was never that beautiful!

Insensitivity is fed up; the acuity and readings interviewed in the story are restricted. They demand from human beings more than power.

The reflections at the end of the previous text are valid for the campaign. Believe is needed. We are part of this land.

* Luiz Roberto Alves is a senior professor at the School of Communications and Arts at USP.

 

Note


[I][i] Expression used by the author in a recently published collective work. Communication for Citizenship (30 years in struggle and collective construction). São Paulo, Intercom and Editorial Genius, 2021, p. 51ss.

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