By AFRANIO CATANI*
Analysis of the trajectories of Vinicius de Moraes, BJ Duarte, Octavio Ianni, Florestan Fernandes and Pierre Bourdieu
“Chaque jour nous laissons une partie de nous-mêmes en chemin”
(Amiel)
1.
The epigraph of this essay was taken from the Personal diary (1847-1881) by the French-speaking Swiss writer Henri-Frédéric Amiel (1821-1881). Interestingly, the Portuguese doctor and writer Miguel Torga (1907-1995) also uses it in his daily (1999). I will not detail the journal by Amiel – see Boltanski (1975). I just emphasize that there are “pieces of me” in these pages, that I identify with Amiel’s statement, allowing me to explore dimensions of my intellectual trajectory, represented here by reflections on the historiographical paths of five intellectuals,[1] written over 25 years.
It is not distant and dispassionate writing; on the contrary, I empathize with the authors with whom I dialogue. It is evident that, in my work, I use different ways of what was produced by the “cases” studied: BJ Duarte (1910-1995), Vinicius de Moraes (1913-1980), Octavio Ianni (1926-2004), Florestan Fernandes (1920-1995) and Pierre Bourdieu (1930-2002).
I don't identify with BJ Duarte's political conservatism and the political stances taken by young Vinícius de Moraes. I would like to have written several verses by the Rio poet and to have mastered the technical, classic photography of Benedito Junqueira Duarte. I admire Octavio Ianni's efforts to explain social, political and cultural life in part of Latin America, in addition to all the exhaustive theoretical work on renewing sociology undertaken by Florestan Fernandes and Pierre Bourdieu – I value political engagements (and the decision-making position in this domain) of Octavio Ianni, Florestan Fernandes and Pierre Bourdieu in favor of the dispossessed.
While Florestan Fernandes never stopped studying those below, Octavio Ianni turned part of his concerns to those affected by the advance of capitalism in contemporary societies and Pierre Bourdieu dedicated a lot of energy to unveiling the “hidden foundations of domination”, showing the social causes of misery in the world.
In his memoirs, Edward Said talks about the places he went and the influences he received: “many of the places and people I remember here no longer exist, although I am often amazed at how much I carry within me, often in detail. tiny and hauntingly concrete” (Said, 2004, p. 11). In this direction, Izabel Jaguaribe's film, Paulinho da Viola: My time is today (2003, 83 min.), dedicated to the samba singer from Rio, has a lapidary speech by the biographer, who says: “my time is today; I don’t live in the past, the past lives in me.”
In Ricardo Piglia I found the safest clue to understanding what led me, over the years, to write what I wrote, defining the nature of my work as a researcher and teacher. For the Argentine writer, “criticism is the modern form of autobiography. A person writes their life when they believe they write their readings. (…) The critic is the one who finds his life within the texts he reads”. Talking about your activity of a fiction writer, but which can be translated for those who carry out academic criticism, states: “In this sense, Faulkner's surprising annotation in his unpublished prologue to About me and the fury. 'I wrote this book and learned to read'. Writing fiction changes the way of reading, and the criticism that a writer writes is the mirror of his work” (Piglia, 2004, p. 117).
Writing about Vinícius de Moraes, Benedito, Octavio Ianni, Florestan Fernandes and Pierre Bourdieu, placing them in their respective fields of symbolic production, in addition to teaching me how to read, enabled me to (re)write my life, allowing me to reposition myself as an intellectual who analyzes his peers and is analyzed due to the position he occupies in the field in which I operate.
I can invoke here the metaphor used by Heinrich Böll regarding childhood and youth spent in Cologne, in Hitler's Germany. Although he recognizes that school “was by no means a secondary thing”, it was also “not the most important thing”. Certain learning – such as life learning – also occurs on the way to and from school (even more than the school itself) (Böll, 1985, p. 18-19).
“In the cradle, destiny takes care of men”, the epigraph of the famous novel by Georges Arnaud (1917-1987), The Wages of Fear (The wages of fear, 1950),[2] which I made interrogative is, at the same time, an affirmation and a contestation. This is because the agents' trajectories are significantly limited by the nature of their birthplace, that is, their first matrix of meanings.
However, it is possible to verify ways of overcoming these constraints, making the analyzed trajectories constitute “differentiated situations” – cases of Octavio Ianni, Florestan Fernandes and Pierre Bourdieu – who, in their destinies, defeat their respective birthplaces, fundamentally through of the consecrating seal obtained from the education system.
On the other hand, Benedito and Vinícius, although endowed with different intellectual weights, use the management of their respective social capital (relatively rarefied for Benedito and more robust for Vinícius) to achieve a modest destiny, in one case, and a consecrated one, in the other. . For both, despite antipodean trajectories, the education system exerted little influence on their destinies, providing the minimum certification – a bachelor's degree in law – so that they could begin their activities.
When “excavating the foundations” of the motivation and foundations of the thinkers analyzed, I understand that they were people “like me”, who throughout their lives faced everyday problems in their lives. business. Pierre Bourdieu writes, by the way: “I never thought that I committed an act of sacrilegious arrogance when I said that Flaubert or Manet was someone like me, without confusing myself with either of them…” (Pierre Bourdieu, 2004, p. 78-79 and 141-142). Furthermore, I have a kind of Bildungsroman intellectual interest in the history of the texts presented here, once again allowing you to return to the idea of autobiography through criticism and learning to read when you write.
There is a beautiful book about the filmmaker Michelangelo Antonioni (1912-2007) that prints a photo of the red desert (Il red desert, 1964), in which Corrado and Giuliana hold a sheet of newspaper blown by the wind and examine it. The organizers write: “The meaning of this sequence is that the viewer can create their own meaning, just as the characters will create theirs. This is what Antonioni’s contribution to cinema consists of (…) in finding images in which each viewer can find their own meaning” (Chatman and Duncan, 2004, p. 4).
The essays I wrote, enabling the synthesis I present, did not appear like leaves or papers in the wind, caught in flight. The main reason that led me to write most of them was almost circumstantial: they were commissioned for a day dedicated to the analysis of the work of an author (Octavio Ianni), a posthumous tribute (Florestan Fernandes), a dossier on the obituary (Pierre Bourdieu) and the history of Brazilian cinema (BJ Duarte). Only the one dedicated to Vinícius de Moraes was proposed by me more than forty years ago.
Now, if they ordered the texts from me, they understood that I was prepared to produce them; All of them were incorporated into my reading regime, acting as structures in my learning as a researcher, teacher and essayist. In a text by Sérgio Miceli about Antonio Gramsci, one can read a passage from Dialectical conception of history in which the thinker, ironically, writes the following: “Is this inkwell inside me or outside me? “ (Miceli, 1981, p. 5).
By examining the “education architectures” of the five intellectuals, studying their works, trajectories, peculiar histories and political positions, placing them in their respective social fields, I believe that I draw attention to elements that are unusual in the writings of the majority of those who work with such authors.
2.
Benedito Junqueira Duarte (BJ Duarte), the penultimate of the seven children in his family, was prepared to be a photographer. At the age of 11, after finishing primary school, he traveled to Paris, in 1921, to stay with an uncle who was a photographer, the Portuguese José Ferreira Guimarães. This was due to the precarious financial situation in which they lived. His sister Maria Aparecida also went with him. Benedito Junqueira Duarte returned in 1929, aged 18.
His brother Paulo Duarte wrote: “Our life (…) was increasingly full of financial setbacks. Lurdes [sister]'s treatment was expensive, the boys were at the Escola Modelo, and Benedito left the Elvira Brandão day school, due precisely to our difficulties, but the Escola Modelo was very good and the two were together, so that Nélio [ brother] had the company he needed, given his deaf condition…” (Duarte, 1979, p. 221-222).
Benedito Junqueira Duarte, with the death of his uncle, became an apprentice at the photography studio “Chez Reutlinger”. Months later, he had a good salary for the time (200 francs per month), and was soon promoted to assistant. He headed a team of five people receiving, in the late 1920s, 2.000 francs per month (Duarte, 1982, p. 49). Decades later he wrote: “I go back to the past, to the time when a shy boy learned photography in a large Parisian studio. There he is, in a attic, seven o'clock in the winter morning, shivering from the cold, washing the grimy laboratory floor, preparing solutions of developer, fixatives, bends, cleaning the retouchers’ tables…” (Duarte, 1982, p. 145).
He returned to Brazil in 1929. During the seven years he spent in France, he traveled, learned his trade well and had a broad command of the French language. “If I returned with a well-learned and assimilated craft, if on the one hand I knew the French language and literature (…), on the other I had become completely ignorant in terms of general culture. My uncle was averse to spiritual improvement, as well as reading, writing and counting…” (Duarte, 1982, p. 26).
At the age of 18, he took the admission course to the former gymnasium at Ginásio Oswaldo Cruz. He enrolled in the night shift, working as a photographer at the National Gazette, organ of the Democratic Party, in opposition to the São Paulo Republican Party, of which his brother Paulo Duarte was editor-in-chief, remaining there from 1929 to 1933 (Idem, P. 27). I had a source of supplementary income: “I took portraits of important people in São Paulo society, an environment I entered through the promotion of me by the group linked to Paulo (…), regulars in the editorial office of the newspaper” (p. 27) – cases of Sérgio Milliet (who married his sister Lurdes), Mário de Andrade, Antonio Couto de Barros, Tácito de Almeida (brother of the poet Guilherme de Almeida), Rubem Borba de Moraes, Antoninho de Alcântara Machado, Herbert Levy.
Benedito Junqueira Duarte's work, photographing the São Paulo elite, is similar to the sewing carried out by the mothers of the “poor children” of the oligarchy who, despite carrying out a modest activity, maintain and update their ties with their “rich cousins”, taking advantage of one of the few trump cards they still have left (Miceli, 1996, 2001).
From 1936 onwards, Benedito Junqueira Duarte worked with Ruy Bloem in the Secretariat of the Faculty of Philosophy, Sciences and Letters of the newly created University of São Paulo (USP), exercising the function of “public relations” with foreign professors, acting as interpreter, helping them with the initial installation (Duarte, 1982, p.107-108).
Benedito Junqueira Duarte joined São Paulo City Hall in 1935, in the Iconography Service of the Department of Culture, retiring in 1964. That same year, he began working at the Federation of Industries of the State of São Paulo (Fiesp), becoming Head of the Photography and Microfilming Section, as well as scientific documentation advisor at the Heart Institute of Hospital das Clínicas, Faculty of Medicine-USP.
An excerpt from the letter sent by Sérgio Milliet, his brother-in-law, to Paulo Duarte (exiled in Paris), on 27/6/1933, explains the desire that young Benedito Junqueira Duarte had to study medicine. Material reasons frustrated this project, as Sérgio Milliet wrote that “we have to think that our family conditions are terrible (…) Medicine is great, but it requires a fortune for studies. Maybe then it would be better for him to study (…) law” (Duarte, 1975, p. 163). Thus, he entered law in 1933.
While working at city hall, he was also a film critic and made scientific films. Carlo Erba from Brazil paid well, 15 thousand cruises per film. Just as a basis for comparison, Benedito had a salary at the city hall of 3 thousand cruises and received 1 conto de réis to make films for Laboratório Torres SA. He also created book covers for the publishers Sarvier and Anhembi.
Benedito Junqueira Duarte has received dozens of national and international awards as a director of scientific films, mainly in cinema applied to medicine and surgery. It was he who filmed, in the early hours of May 26, 1968, the first heart transplant in Brazil, carried out by the team of professor Euryclides de Jesus Zerbini (1912-1993), at the Hospital das Clínicas of the Faculty of Medicine of the University of São Paulo .
When he worked as a film critic in The State of S. Paul (1946-1956) and in Sheets (1956-1965), he was a kind of permanent freelancer. At the time, the salary of critics (theatre, cinema, arts in general) was one of the lowest in journalism. It is worth noting that, in aesthetic terms, Benedito always valued the “well-finished” film, with conflicts being resolved technically; His performance was guided by a fierce fight against the cinematic left, incapable of giving Brazilian cinema the much-desired “universal standard”. As can be seen, despite being a critic and director, Benedito held modest roles in public and private bureaucracies.
3.
Marcus Vinicius de Moraes da Cruz de Mello Moraes had a more solid early childhood in economic terms, his father being a public servant and former secretary to Mayor Pereira Passos, in Rio de Janeiro. Clumsy investments led him to financial ruin, with the family forced to move to Ilha do Governador. From 1922 Vinicius de Moraes stayed in Rio with his grandparents, continuing his studies. He went to Colégio Santo Ignacio dos Jesuits, an elite establishment, living with friends who accompanied him for almost his entire life.
In 1933 he became a law graduate, working only a month in the field, but he expanded his social relations capital through contact with some of the favorite children of the elite of the then Federal District. He had a calm youth, allowing him to publish, at age 20, his first book of verse, The path to the distance (1933), followed by Form and exegesis (1935) Ariana, the woman (1936) and New poems (1938)
At the age of 25, he already had almost one work. In Vinicius de Moraes' correspondence gathered by Ruy Castro (Moraes, 2003) it is possible to read the letters exchanged with his family, in which he comments on the long periods of school holidays, the writing of his poetry, his courtship, his time with friends and the pool baths. At the age of 23 he became a State employee (censor), thanks to family contacts, working in the role for two years. Gets scholarship British Council, staying a year in Oxford, where he gets married and returns to Brazil.
He gets married several times, has children, separates; works in newspapers, writes in various magazines, becomes a film critic in Tomorrow, in 1941. Through his studies and his bachelor's degree in law, he joined the State apparatus as a diplomat (1943), until he was compulsorily retired by the military regime in the late 1960s.
In 1941 we find Vinicius de Moraes still “right-wing”, with a deep-rooted Catholic background and, aesthetically, sharing the cinematic ideas defended more than a decade ago by his friends from the Chaplin Club. His family origins, his training in law, his poetic production, his “conversion” to songwriting and his media career, intensified from the 1960s onwards, enabled him to face several transitions throughout his life, which were not always smooth.
“Poet and diplomat”, “the blackest white man in Brazil”, as he called himself, after his expulsion from his diplomatic career by the military dictatorship, he continued composing hundreds of songs, giving shows, recording albums and becoming synonymous with convivial, surrounded by women and good drinks. Well, that happened, but, if on the one hand, he had fun and enjoyed life, on the other hand, debts with pension payments, assistance for his children and his own survival also occupied several pages of the aforementioned Dear poet (Moraes, 2003).
4.
Octavio Ianni: it's not easy to talk about him. Without a shadow of a doubt, he was, perhaps, the intellectual who most shielded his social origins, who least “opened” any details about his life before joining FFCL-USP. It is only known that he worked in slaughterhouses and was a typographer. His brother Constantino was a journalist. Florestan Fernandes mentioned that Octavio Ianni came from a family of Italian origin in Itu, 100 kilometers from São Paulo, and that, “like me, he took bills to College to settle with that strange world” (Fernandes, 1996, p. 12) .
“Modest”, “retracted” and “distracted” are Florestan Fernandes’ judgments about Octavio Ianni, who was “somewhat clumsy or left in the realm of words, mistakes and people who boasted, rightly or wrongly, a certain intellectual superiority and social (…) Students of the 50s (…) were moved by cultural and, to a lesser extent, proto-political sympathies and affinities. The nucleating link revolved around studies and 'great hopes' (which were defined as precocious ambitions to compete, to recognize intellectual value and to 'make a career' at the university itself)” (Idem, p. 12).
According to him, Octavio Ianni still preserved, for some time, the “edges of the 'flock in the nest'', “suspicious”. “His assessment of people and things was more inflexible and he needed to be won over by friends and colleagues. He also brought with him a joy for life and an insatiable curiosity, which ranged from books and events to people. Some bitterness marked his concerns and further underlined the implantation rooted in the original moral cosmos. There was even incisive rigidity in resistances that should attenuate or disappear, in issues linked to everyday life or symptomatic self-defense. His spontaneous generosity, coming from congenital sympathy, was responsible for overcoming almost all of these barriers in a few years that prevented him from declaring “São Paulo, here I come” (Idem, p. 12-13).
Like Florestan Fernandes, for Octavio Ianni the university institution was almost everything: he wrote dozens of books, hundreds of articles, researched, gave conferences, taught courses in institutions in several countries, being a fundamental reference in Latin American sociology and social sciences.
5.
Florestan Fernandes, compared to Octavio Ianni, was a great talker. Less “introverted” than Octavio – reminiscent of Lévi-Strauss’ terminology (sad tropics, 1996, p. 52-53) –, he was also a fighter. The two sociologists from São Paulo benefited from the opportunities arising from the creation of the Faculty of Philosophy, Sciences and Letters at USP which, in the following years, absorbed rising middle sectors, belonging to immigrant families and a significant percentage of women (Miceli, 1989, p .15).
In the book coordinated by Paulo Martinez (1989), Florestan, or the meaning of things, below a photo of the album organized by Vladimir Sachetta, you can read the following statement by Florestan Fernandes: “I think the hardest thing I did was remain faithful to my class of origin”. And, soon after: “I would never have been the sociologist I became without my past and without the pre- and extra-school socialization I received, through the hard lessons of life (…). I began my 'sociological' learning at the age of six, when I needed to earn a living as if I were an adult, and I penetrated, through concrete experience, the knowledge of what human coexistence and society are (…). The child was lost in this hostile world and had to turn within himself to seek, in the 'techniques of the body' and the 'wiles of the weak', the means of self-defense for survival. I was not alone. There was my mother, but the sum of two weaknesses does not make up a strength. We were swept away by the 'storm of life' and what saved us was our wild pride.”
Florestan Fernandes fought obstinately to be able to study, including against his own mother who, faced with the material difficulties he was experiencing, wanted him to just work. She was a maid and washerwoman and he, at the age of six, did small tasks (barbershop assistant, shopping carrier, shoe shiner), receiving precious tips. He stopped studying at the age of nine, working in a butcher's shop, grocery store, tailor's shop, bakery, bar and restaurant. At the age of 14 he became the breadwinner for his family and, later, he took a maturity course, War Shooting, studied typing, and was a propagandist for pharmaceutical products.
Florestan Fernandes, like Octavio Ianni and Pierre Bourdieu, worked incessantly. The three remained faithful to their classes of origin: Octavio Ianni taught until the day before his death; Pierre Bourdieu, hospitalized, wrote; Florestan, before undergoing the liver transplant that killed him, left articles ready for the Folha de S. Paul. But what does it mean to remain faithful to your classes of origin? The answer, I believe, can be sought in their respective research itineraries, since the three have always sought to investigate the causes of the great exclusions present in contemporary capitalist societies, the excluded, the marginalized and the proletariat. In addition to scholars exemplary, they practiced an engaged and militant social science.
The action of the bourgeois State, in its different nuances and different registers, was the object of concern for Florestan Fernandes. This led to many frustrations – for example, in the debates involving the Law of Guidelines and Bases for National Education, in the 1980s and 1990s, given the impossibility of consolidating education in the country that would effectively benefit the popular sectors.
Critical of the role of intellectuals in the political game – and taking the opportunity to situate the scope of intellectuals' action – he wrote: “I made him [Octavio Ianni], with Fernando Henrique Cardoso and others, victims of frustrations that made me think in a 'lost generation'. Former students and collaborators have risen, through our joint work, to heights from which I painfully fell. We are not to blame in any sense! But we help to forge the monsters and ruins against which we wear out the best of ourselves, to 'turn things around' and redefine the meaning of our persistence and the space of the future that we still use as a battering ram in the battles of history, that become civilizations. We could say, we are here! We were not defeated! However, we also did not overcome the seven-headed hydra... Nor did we manage to achieve the goals of a critical and productive activity of an ambitious research project, which spread from São Paulo to Brazil and Latin America as a milestone of scientific autonomy. The seeds remained and grew, because thought is indestructible and we count on followers. However, the answer to the remaining challenge of overcoming the parameters of Eurocentrism and devastating Yankeeism has been lost” (Fernandes, 1996, p.11-12).
Florestan Fernandes, one of the Latin American sociologists who most turned the weapons of reflection against himself and against the sociology practiced in the country, when referring to the political and economic reforms led by Brazilian elites, perhaps subscribed to the judgment that Borges made of the classic novel by Dino Buzzati, the desert of the tartars. “The book is governed by the method of indefinite and almost infinite postponement” (Borges, 1998, p. 23).
6.
Pierre Bourdieu was the son of a postman and postal worker, coming from a family of rural partners. His mother belonged to a prestigious peasant family, whose father owned a sawmill and transported wood. When he got married, he “dropped” on the social and economic scale, facing great financial difficulties. A brilliant student, but always considered “problematic” and “undisciplined”, from the age of 11 he was a boarder at the high school in the capital of his province and at the high school Louis le Grand (Paris); Later, he attended School Normal Superior (ENS).
Pierre Bourdieu did his military service in Algeria from 1955 to 1958 and then taught at the Faculty of Arts in Algiers and returned to France in the early 60s, beginning a fruitful intellectual trajectory. Like many students at School Normal Superior, benefited from the French public education system, effectively consolidated throughout the Third Republic. His birth was less precarious than that of Florestan Fernandes, although to reach the university institution he painfully experienced the “uprooting of a familiar universe” and the “familiarization with a foreign universe” (Miceli, 1999).
Aspects relating to the theoretical assumptions that Pierre Bourdieu developed throughout his research should be mentioned briefly. Sérgio Miceli (2002), on the occasion of his death, shows how his contribution constituted a “symbolic revolution”.
In 1974, Pierre Bourdieu and his team prepared the first issue of the magazine Actes de la Recherche en Social Sciences, which would appear in 1975: “At this point in his life, at 43 years old, that Mediterranean physiognomy of an academic bullfighter, quick in reflection and writing, unsurpassed in methodological practice, in the analytical equation, endowed with a phenomenal capacity for work, proportional to the scale of his ambitions, he had already managed to gather all the financial, institutional and intellectual conditions that would allow him to undertake a truly symbolic effort at the level of social theory…”
All of this occurred under his coordination of the Center for European Sociology (CSE), after an excellent ethnography on the Kabyles in Algeria and the beginning of his university career supported by Raymond Aron. At the CSE, he promoted a “generous spectrum of interests and objects of investigation”, encompassing “the working class, middle sectors, elites, academics, politicians, businesspeople, high government and private bureaucracy, nobility, State, cultural industry, education systems, activities cultural and artistic”.
Subsequently, Pierre Bourdieu rose to the highest positions in the French academic hierarchy, reaching the France secondary school, chair of sociology. His militant action stands out from his stance in favor of the social movement of the unemployed in 1995; of the founding of the publisher Raisons of action; support for the undocumented movement.
He published books at reduced prices through this publisher, his – About television (1996) Backfires (1988) Counterfires 2; for a European social movement (2001), in addition to other texts collected posthumously – and by young collaborators. In this last stage of his life he attracted the ire of the dominant system in France, including an orchestrated campaign against him in the media. Death caught Pierre Bourdieu in full activity and Self-analysis outline it was completed shortly before his death, when cancer was already consuming him.
7.
The analysis of the trajectories of Vinícius, Benedito, Octavio Ianni, Florestan Fernandes and Pierre Bourdieu made it possible to contact and organize a set of variables and information that allowed, initially, to verify how the birthplace conditioned the destiny of the intellectuals analyzed here. They all completed a university course, with Vinícius and Benedito having degrees in law, while the others studied humanities and had a successful academic career.
“Lawyers” soon tried a career in which practice set the tone. The “sociologists” Florestan and Octavio Ianni, in Brazil, and Pierre Bourdieu, in France, owe almost everything in their lives to the consecration obtained within the education system, as their births were humble. I explored situations in which such diversity was transposed and agents became mandatory references in their respective fields of activity, with the action carried out by their respective education being the protagonist in this process.
I also examined situations in which the role of the education system played a supporting role in the fate of the agents – those with more solid backgrounds –, although these, in the same way, became prominent figures in their symbolic work. Studies of this nature, I believe, can contribute to in-depth knowledge of different fields of social production and the respective work of the agents involved in them.
*Afranio Catani He is a retired professor at the Faculty of Education at USP and is currently a senior professor at the same institution. Visiting professor at the Faculty of Education at UERJ (Duque de Caxias campus).
Originally published in Origin and destiny: thinking about Pierre Bourdieu's reflexive sociology. Campinas, SP: Mercado de Letras, 2013, p. 79-98.
References
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BÖLL, Heinrich. What will become of this boy? São Paulo: Marco Zero, 1985.
BOLTANSKI, Luc. Pouvoir et impuissance: projet intellectuel et sexualité dans le Journal d'Amiel. Actes de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales, n. 5-6, Paris, p. 80-108, nov. 1975.
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PIERRE BOURDIEU, Pierre. Search for a self-analysis.Paris: Éditions Raisons d'Agir, 2004.
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DUARTE, Paulo. The intelligence of hunger. So Paulo: Hucitec, 1975.
DUARTE, Paulo. I'm leaving for Pasargadae. So Paulo: Hucitec, 1979.
FERNANDES, Florestan. The charm of life. In: FALLEIROS, Izabel; CRESPO, Regina (Orgs.). Humanism and commitment: essays on Octavio Octavio Ianni. São Paulo: Unesp, 1996.
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Notes
[1]. In Search for a self-analysis (Self-analysis outline) Pierre Bourdieu wrote: “In this effort to explain and understand myself, I will now be able to rely on the fragments of objectification of myself that I have left along the way, throughout my research, and I will try here to deepen and even systematize” ( Pierre Bourdieu, 2004, p. 14).
[2] The novel originated in a film with the same title by Henri-Georges Clouzot (1952). In the Brazilian translation you can read a concise summary of the book: “In a poor country in Central America, four friends set out on an incredible adventure: transporting a huge load of explosives – intended to extinguish a fire in an oil well – along a road hard access". One of Arnaud's main arguments is that drivers only agree to undertake the risky transport because they will be paid well and because they have no other alternative job, as they were born in places that did not guarantee them better destinations.
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