By LUIZ WERNECK VIANNA*
The approaching storm, if precautions are taken against its effects, can be mitigated, reducing its damage to a bearable minimum.
The world is on the verge of slipping off its axis and spinning around aimlessly in a suicidal flirtation with the Third World War. One goes back to the nineteenth century and its horrors of territorial disputes, and with dismay one sees the rebirth of nationalism, a harmful ideology that cultivates the will to power and domination between peoples and nations, in a time that seemed to point to the triumph of globalization. The species is at risk, it will not be able to survive a nuclear hecatomb, and after it, as in the famous phrase, conflicts, if there are still conflicts between humans, will be resolved with club blows.
From Ukraine and elsewhere blow winds that spread insanity like a new kind of plague, the Jagrená car, in the metaphor of Antony Giddens, going down the hill out of control threatening to carry everything away. Here, in our sad tropics, carnival is still played as if there were no tomorrow, while in the devil's furnaces there is endless plotting so that this party ends up sweeping away dreams and leaving us empty in the face of unbridled capitalism, an enemy of life.
If there is a beautiful and thriving forest, it must be removed for cattle pasture, for the exploitation of loggers and mining, if there is a beautiful beach in a pleasant corner, there a place for a luxury hotel, perhaps a casino, in fact an idea to be better used with the game industry being sponsored by these false cultists of the Bible, reprobates of the lessons of Gospel, hollow-wood saints who earn their living from the misery of the poor and destitute.
There is a conspiracy to eradicate everything that makes Brazil Brazil, in a frantic clearing of the land from the sediments accumulated in our history of values, libertarian struggles and the constitutional ideals of a solidary society so that the world of would-be limers, addicted to conspicuous consumption and the passion for profit at any price, without the limits of a public right and the institutions that guarantee it, a reign of privatism guaranteed by a State prisoner of the coalition of the dominant interests from finance to agribusiness and of all those who feed with this disposition of power.
To face this potent threat to its identity, society relies on its institutional heritage and its reserve of moral values that are still invulnerable to the onslaught of corrupting actions by the coalition in power, to policies, such as the co-option of the Centrão to its purposes of domination from the opening of public resources to the parties that compose it, to the religious, as it has proven to have happened within the scope of the administration of the Ministry of Education, through the action of political parties and democratic personalities. Strictly speaking, the stumbling block that interdicts the plans for absolute power that move the strategists of the Bolsonaro government is the 1988 Charter with the institutions it enshrined, especially those related to popular sovereignty and limitations to discretionary political power. .
In removing this obstacle, all forces available to Bolsonarism are mobilized, including the military, who assess the electoral scenario as unfavorable to its reproduction. It is not by chance that the regime's workhorse appears in an attempt to raise suspicion about electronic voting, a guarantee of fairness in the verification of elections held under the jurisdiction of the electoral justice. Given the practical impossibility of this desperate maneuver, a coup is already being openly plotted, and the opportunity for its outcome has yet to be defined, whether before or at the end of the electoral process, a high-risk strategy due to the obvious repercussions that this sinister initiative would have on the disposition of international forces, affecting the political interests of the dominant power in the context of our continent, a serious circumstance apparently ignored by those who consider embarking on this path.
Wherever you probe the lines of the horizon, you don't have a brigadeiro sky ahead. The approaching storm, if precautions are taken against its effects, can be mitigated, reducing its damage to a bearable minimum, as the populations that are victims of this phenomenon defend themselves against tornadoes. We have important resources in this direction, the first of which is the calendar that marks the date of the electoral dispute, the existence of reliable institutions trained in voting regime competitions, in addition to candidacies originating from the democratic field, such as the Lula-Alkmin ticket, capable of attracting the necessary votes for electoral victory and enlisting massive popular support during the campaign, taking to the streets in massive demonstrations.
Lula at the head of the ticket is not the dream candidate of sectors of the democratic opposition, certainly in the minority. However, his record of services to social issues and his firm willingness, when he governed the country for two terms, to act in the sense of promoting policies of social promotion, always reverent to democratic procedures, are credentials that qualify him for presidential candidacy, this time in good faith. company of Alkmin, with proven experience in the management of public affairs.
Moreover, both are good at urn, and as an old Chinese leader said, a cat is good when it catches mice, in this case the votes we need to get out of this nightmare that torments the country.
*Luiz Werneck Vianna is a professor at the Department of Social Sciences at the Pontifical Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro (PUC-Rio). Author, among other books, of The Passive Revolution: Iberism and Americanism in Brazil (Revan).
