The strategic logic of Marx and Lenin would be far removed from the fundamental perception of the current government

“poet wandering\ night inside the darkness\ soul of light in the chest\ dreams of immensity” (Renato Gusmão)

The latest national events have led us, curiously, to reread texts by a now little-known author: Vladimir I. Lenin. In this brief article I seek, from the theoretical flavor of that author, to deal with my own version of the current situation, also seeking, like many in this court of the Brazilian class struggle, to propose a tactic of social confrontation. It is clear, due to the little significance of what he writes to you, that what is proposed is a mere grumble of someone who lives everyday life and stumbles upon history.

A few days ago, the former General and Vice President of the Republic, now Senator Hamilton Mourão, tweeted, in a tortuous sentence, that the Lula government would have a “Marxist-Leninist” tradition. The aforementioned gentleman seems to know something about Marx or Lenin only by ear in some badly made manual of the American academies, and look there. Unlike the military incautious, something now well known for the unpreparedness of these gentlemen with sword and cap, the strategic logic of Marx and Lenin would be quite distant from the fundamental perception of the current government, however much the almost totality of the Brazilian left is correctly supporting it.

Lenin, in July 1905, writes a short work entitled Two tactics of social democracy in the democratic revolution, a text that the Russian revolutionary writes still in preparation for the events that occurred and will give rise to the bourgeois revolution in the land of the tsars, still due to the “convening of a constituent Assembly”. The author splendidly summarizes something that will be vital for our learning, the difference between periods of intense social dispute and the “peaceful periods”, for political teaching of the broad social masses: “the revolution undoubtedly teaches with a speed and depth which seem incredible in peaceful periods of political development”, how large sections of the population must face bourgeois institutions and the limits of democracy under capitalism, as well as the need to defend tactics necessary to protect social rights.

It is clear that the reading of a classic author only serves to contemporize his teachings, and not to rectify them and impose any approximations to such diverse situations and realities. Thus, reading the classics gives us the depth to deal with contemporaneity, but without any dogmatism. The Brazilian situation has no conformity of revolutionary socialist transformation, quite the contrary, we live a certain practical adaptation to the counter-insurgent movements established by the reactionary forces in the country, both by the convergence between segments of the bourgeoisie linked to agribusiness and big commerce, and by the domination neo-fascist ideology of a set of institutions, especially the military and judiciary groupings.

In Lenin's aforementioned text, we have a central definition of the meaning and meaning of tactics as “political conduct or the character, orientation and methods of political action”. The author refers to the conduct of the political party that guides the social dispute at a certain moment of the conjuncture. An adaptation properly to be made refers to the tactical orientation of a broad social grouping or historical block of intervention that, in the Brazilian moment, refers to an important portion of the front that constitutes the Lula government, I am referring to the grouping of parties from the left, specifically PT, PSOL, PCdoB and parts of PSB, PDT, REDE, as well as independents. Thus, we have to think about the intervention of this block, guiding its line and methods of social struggle.

The social dispute for democracy, freedom of social organization and intervention by the popular sectors to guarantee citizenship at that time expressed in Russian reality the fundamentals of the struggles waged by the left. At this moment in the Brazilian reality it is not very different, the institutional fraying of the last six years and the presence of an organized fascist right and of confrontation with the advantage that many circles of the State's repression and legal institutions were won by the ideological permissiveness of the extreme right, leads us to the effort of the historic left-wing bloc to intensify the dispute for democracy and freedom of organization.

Lenin pondered that the two tactics of Russian social democracy at that moment would be: “(1) relentless struggle against counterrevolutionary attempts, and (2) defense of the working class’s own interests”. Often with so many historical, social and cultural differences, our present reality also integrates the need for a double tactic, on the one hand the dispute and the need to win the “bolsonarista” forces in different fields, cultural and ideological, seeking the destruction of the neo-fascist field which has established itself in recent years; on the other hand, the fight against neoliberalism and market forces based on the destruction of social rights and on the perception of a financialized State and its historical overcoming, constitutes the second central point of the tactics of the left-wing bloc that operates today in the surroundings and in the proximity of the Lula government.

In the last two years, the Brazilian left has come out of the defensive and we have won four central battles: (i) we won an election without rules and that economic power was imposed on a daily basis, in these respects, a capital victory; (ii) we won the institutional battle to partially regulate the coup groupings and reached the diploma of the current President of the Republic; (iii) we won the battles on social networks around social conditions, even before the inauguration of the approval of the Constitutional Amendment of the transition and the guarantee of the beginning of the Lula government; (iv) finally, we had the victory of the presidential inauguration and of a group of people committed with the national reconstruction.

These four fundamental victories should not underestimate the contradictions and forces of the expanding counterinsurgency, on the one hand the right-wing social forces enlisted more and more people into the framework of the offensive and even radical dispute, on the other hand the military sectors deepened its internal disputes, to the extent that now even Washington's orders have been put on hold, considering that the military is subordinate to US imperial power. Let it be said that power relations, with fascist interaction, are also in dispute in the US, so we are not in peaceful times or guaranteed bourgeois institutions.

The picture is serious, but extremely favorable for building a tactical intervention favorable to a new accumulation of democratic and popular forces, considering that in any dispute we have to integrate the dialectic of the taste of victories, with the feeling that the dispute will be more lasts for months or years to come. I therefore consider that based on the two established tactics, we should act on seven fronts, the seven are cabalistic:

(i) use the forces of bourgeois laws against part of the bourgeoisie itself, the principals and organizers of the current acts of terror. Establishing criminal and tax actions. The criminal advances in the process and imprisonment of the main neo-fascist political agents, and the tax ones in the sense of establishing fiscal control over bourgeois financiers, both through state revenues, carrying out audits on companies committed to the neo-fascist coup project, and through the Federal Revenue;

(ii) accountability of generals and high-ranking officials involved in recent events. Alteration of the current minister of defense and appointment of someone more suited to the interests of dismantling the autocratic power of the military and retiring a portion of the generals, admirals and brigadiers, fundamentally to establish the order of command over the military;

(iii) agree with the governors on the reorganization of the PMs, seeking to work on their demilitarization; (iv) organized society should establish “Local Councils of Democracy”, formed around the Popular Brazil Front and People Without Fear Front. Councils must establish conversation and coping policies in each neighborhood, school and workplace; (v) organization of social networks around some main legends, two of them: “popular sovereignty and democracy”; “better living conditions and freedom”. The networks must be decentralized, but integrated from a social and institutional background;

(vi) Construction of “Popular Centers”, whether to work on bringing the population together in awareness, education and popular debate groups; building critical awareness, fundamental for socialist revolutionary rupture; (vii) finally, only mass actions, with initially fortnightly manifestations, are central to the social process in interaction.

The social dispute is the limit. Not disputing and giving in will lead us to very difficult times. The dispute is now and permanent.

*Jose Raimundo Trinidad He is a professor at the Institute of Applied Social Sciences at UFPA. Author, among other books, of Six decades of state intervention in the Amazon (Paka-armadillo).


Vladimir Ilyich Ulianov Lenin. Two tactics of social democracy in the democratic revolution. Selected Works (I). Lisbon: Edições Progresso, 1984.

Vladimir Ilyich Ulianov Lenin. Social Democracy and the Provisional Revolutionary Government. Selected Works (I). Lisbon: Edições Progresso, 1984.

Renato Gusmao. itineraries. Belém: Mezzanines, 2022.

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