State crisis and crisis of fascist hegemony



If the coup strategy wins, it will not distinguish liberals, communists, Catholics or Protestants, left and right social democrats, from democratic centrists.

The ongoing State crisis can be overcome within the order, but it will leave irremovable consequences on the democratic future of the country if a way out is not built in time. There is also an ongoing crisis of fascist hegemony over State policies, which open up perspectives for struggle and democratic redemption, which demand talent and organization for the turnaround of the dictatorship.

Democracy was conceived as a political method that legitimizes governments based on electoral majorities, but this legitimacy is lost when the majority that forms the government systematically violates the principle of legality. In other words, democracy is the domain of formal majorities, but these – when their representative government violates legality – lose the right to govern.

It is the classic lesson of Luigi Ferrajoli, which applies entirely to the Bolsonaro government, whose illegitimate origins are located even before his election: in the coup that illegally removed Dilma Rousseff from power. In that vote for “impeachment”, Bolsonaro explained, by propagating the tortures committed against Dilma, a new political ethics by which the necrophilic aesthetics and the morality of indifference towards collective homicides would become tolerable in democracy.

This moral should, in the sequence, move a program that naturalizes, in the daily life – through the voice of the leader – a sense that crushes the past (our weak democratic memory), calling people to live a daily life of “perpetual present”. A present aggregated by hatred, with a herd spirit around the policy of the immediate, which does not require any clear future, just an intuition founded on “God, homeland and family”.

Many philosophers have observed, in order to understand the real flows of politics, the collective daily life (of the “masses”) and of the people (isolated in their familiarity), in order to understand or refute the “grand narratives” of history. Everyday narratives – of a cycle or a period – were mined by the search for habits, dialogues recorded in the solitude of convents or “family” homes – in factories and in the lupanares – to replace the arguments of the great narratives, inaccessible to the public. common to mortals. Today this daily life circulates on the networks at the speed of light and the present becomes ever more present and more perpetual.

The verifiable situations in these everyday clues would refute or prove the broader approaches, aimed at unveiling the story in a more general and abstract way. The abstract form of the great narratives would then be understood as insufficient, for a non-dialectical analytical thought, to look at the past: this would already be considered past from the very moment in which its concept was constituted.

Richard Rorty (1931-2007), a pragmatic-analyst from the American academy, who distrusted the importance of truth, wrote an article (2007) where he predicted – based on empirical observation of American political life – the emergence, in modern Western democracies, of populist political forces with leaders like Trump, who would seek to annihilate the values ​​of daily living with a liberal-democratic character.

Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937) frequently referred to “common sense” and “common sense”, exercised in daily life, to understand certain political cycles. For Saint Augustine, “teaching (was) making learning, and learning is nothing more than remembering what one already knows”, whose wisdom would be given, then, by an experience of life that would be taken from the immediate, through experience, not through experience. of general concepts.

A famous lecture by the great Paulo Sérgio Pinheiro (“State and terror”) published in the book Ethics, organized by Adauto Novaes (Improvements, 1992) integrates this vision of historical everyday life with the nature of the State, whose machinery destined for violence “became intensely industrialized: (…) production and destruction are the faces of this Jano” . It contains the daily life of the exception for “crazy people, prostitutes, prisoners, blacks, Hispanics, Arabs, Kurds, Jews, Yanomami, AIDS patients, homosexuals, children, workers” (who) “will be born and die, without having known the restraint of the Leviathan”, that is, the civilizing conquests in the modern juridical-political order.

Let us take an emblematic example from common sense in the political debate: Guga Chacra is a friendly neoliberal journalist, well informed and intelligent, who represents today – in the “craziness” we are experiencing – a liberal-democratic pole in the mainstream press. It is the pole that does not accept the gross inhumanity that drags Bolsonarism into an attempted coup.

It is important to realize, in the common sense of democratic journalism, that its defense of the capitalist system today is not articulated with Bolsonaro's defense, because the latter has methods of cruelty refuted by the same immediate conscience that accepted the coup against Dilma, with a alarming naturalness. This coup, by the way – which is part of an ongoing cycle since that illegal overthrow – was designed by an “unprincipled” centrão, in alliance with the extreme right “with fascist principles”, but which until then would not have exceeded the restraint of the Leviathan.

Guga knows that, if the coup strategy wins, it will not distinguish liberals, communists, Catholics or Protestants, social democrats of the left and right, from democratic centrists of all roots, but will involve everyone in that concept of “globalist left”, which it does not need any reflection to distinguish ideological fields: the globalist left is just an imputation of absolute evil, although not even its enemies know for sure where it is nor exactly what it is.

It is actually a question, with this anathema, of attributing to certain people the condition of being numbers in the future of a new necrophilic experience: that of a postmodern and murderous Nazi-fascism – now engendered in unknown and gloomy cellars of capital – in which people like Rodrigo Constantino, Bolsonaro, arms manufacturers, businessmen linked to the militia and habitual torturers would remain in power.

In a dialogue – recently tweeted on the networks – Guga correctly retorts to Rodrigo Constantino (who adores Bolsonaro because he represents the “best traditions of the West”) that Angela Merkel, Boris Johnson, Emmanuel Macron are not apostles of the “globalist left”, therefore they could not be located in the camp of the enemies of the “Western traditions”, as Constantine maintains.

In fact, on this point, both are right. The West does not have just “one” tradition, because in it thrive – at the same time – violence and solidarity, justifications for torture and defense of Human Rights, compassion and hatred. Modernity produced different “common senses”, which are indifferent to the most abstract historical narratives, which often lose the importance of people's immediate lives, for the configuration of their ideas and political reactions.

With the ongoing crisis of the State, combined with the crisis of fascist hegemony, the light of democratic and republican unity may appear on the horizon, similarly to what happened in the struggle for “Diretas Já”, to throw fascism into the gutter of History and restarting the composition of the future, which was interrupted by fascist insanity combined with neoliberal destruction, which made us, as Ernesto Araújo wanted, pariahs in the new world order.

*Tarsus-in-law he was Governor of the State of Rio Grande do Sul, Mayor of Porto Alegre, Minister of Justice, Minister of Education and Minister of Institutional Relations in Brazil.


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