By ROBERTO REQUIÃO*

The right is essentially one, and whether its actors are positioned in the center, in the middle or at the extreme end of the stage, they will always be enemies of the popular classes and of a sovereign, developed and just country.

Perhaps there is nothing more to add, after the beautiful sequence of articles on the subject published on the website the earth is round. The government of the said whose was dissected to the last comma. Little remains, for those who now arrive at the carcass so competently stripped.

So, in the style of the nominee, I would ask: and? Finally, the most famous, most up-to-date, indescribable what to do? That's what I missed. From a lively and incandescent discussion on how to take the bull by the horns, get your hands dirty, agitate, mobilize, organize, educate. Give rhythm and speed to the Brazilian Revolution.

They would say: but we are not a party, that is the task of a party. I would ask: are there parties? Are there parties truly integrated into the reality of our people's lives, ingrained in popular neighborhoods, active in factories, stores, banks, offices, schools, churches? Are there parties that deal with tasks other than electoral ones? Are there parties that are not essentially electoral machines? Are there parties dedicated to mobilizing, organizing and educating the popular masses?

(Perhaps I would mention here the PCB, the Partidao, which since its dramatic reorganization in the 90s left electoralism (and reformism) aside, returning to its classist and revolutionary origins. If the original PT inherited some of these characteristics, that is in the past .)

It is possible that one of the most brilliant generations of analysts, theorists, social scientists, philosophers, journalists of the last decades gathers in the country today, minds challenged and sharpened by the misfortunes that have befallen the country in recent years. There are, to demonstrate this, texts from the aterraeredonda.com.br and this profusion of websites, blogs, electronic newspapers and magazines and stuff. Tidings. But where are the masses?

No, please no! I don't intend to discuss here the role of intellectuals and all that syrup. I just wanted to know what kind of space we reserve for the popular masses, for Brazilian workers in our splendid diagnoses. When are we going to bring them to the scene, to the spotlight so that our avidity for the impeachment of the indicated and for the annihilation of fascism and its cohorts of imbeciles does not continue to be yet another nephelibatic movement?

(How many times, in these last few weeks, have we read, heard, whispered backstage that now go? That the impediment of the designated are those of the counted beans? Certainly more times than São Paulo FC would be champion.)

Yes, of course, we are not a party or party leaders. Yes, of course, we are not mass leaders. But we are women and men who think. So, we can't give a little thought about the subject?

I already made this offer. I suggested that, in the context of forming a National, Democratic and Popular Front, in addition to adopting a minimum program that would unite us, that the Front also contribute to and take care da mobilization, organization and education of the popular masses, in collaboration with the parties and other members of the bloc.

Forward not a party, does not replace them and is not expressed through only one broken. But, being the organized political convergence of parties, entities representing social classes, professional categories, unions and so on, it should establish a common agenda for debates, conferences, seminars, courses. Finally, the always vaunted and never consummated elevation of the political and cultural level of the popular masses. And organizational actions, that one thing without the other is nothing.

The Front I propose is not a opposition front and much less one electoral front or that counterfeit that some suggest and dream of, bringing together the coup plotters of 2015/16, the scoundrels of very difficult choice, the upstart reframing of politics, those who voted blank or annulled their vote in 2018, former supporters of Bolsonarism, those who repudiate the criminal, but defend the abominable reforms.

Of course, an assembly of opportunists, careerists and upstarts like that will not have a commitment to education and popular organization, to the Brazilian Revolution, in the end. The most they can achieve is the 2022 election and they are all set, and a little more, to win them.

(Certainly there will be those who raise their hands, ask for an aside and accuse me of being radical, sectarian, dogmatic – or whatever it is along those lines – for excluding so much good people of a possible block all against the infamous. But what do sensitive gentlemen want more radical than the labor reform, which took us back to the 220th century? That the cruelty of pension reform? That the imposition of extremely severe limits on spending on health, education, sanitation, security? What about the pre-salt cession? That the emergence from the underworld to the forefront of national life? That the criminalization of thought? That the war against culture and civilization? What about this slaughter that has claimed more than XNUMX Brazilian lives, caused by negligence, denialism, incompetence, stupidity and cruelty? Anyone who contributed to this, consciously, thoughtfully and thoughtfully, without any coercion, deserves hugs and welcome greetings on this side?

Does that mean they didn't listen to the brewery speeches of the nominee, his counts of how many to murder, the tributes to the torturer, the hatred of the basic values ​​of civilization, his absolute, frightening, terrifying lack of empathy? Was it a surprise – as the Austrian corporal surprised the Germans and the world – when the aforementioned opened his mouth on January 1, 2018? Radical me, huh!?).

With the parentheses closed, let's return to the text. I have often decried the national obsession with short term. Chicken flights in economics, politics and ideas. Short-term macroeconomics, short-term politics, nasty ideas. One electoral front without a minimum program that, among other things, commits to the repeal of all anti-national and anti-people measures taken since 2016, it is yet another movement with this characteristic of fast food. It takes nothing. It might even win an election. But it doesn't change the country.

Is this what we want?

(This story of learning from mistakes is not something that is demanded or proposed to the macho men in our politics. First, because they never make mistakes; second, because self-criticism is something for the weak. Another thing: I think it's funny when they try to distance a certain right, said palatable e liberal, from the right pointed as radical ou extreme. What's the difference, in this not so kind country, between one and the other? We had, at some point in our history, something that we could call liberalism, along European lines, for example? Back there, in the beginnings of the country, our liberals they were slaveholders, racists and eugenicists. Today, they continue to be slaveholders, racists and eugenicists, because what are the reforms labor, Social Security, the spending ceiling -and what else is coming along those lines- than the reintroduction of the yoke on our people? Who killed Getúlio, wanted to prevent the inauguration of JK and Jango, sabotaged the Basic Reforms? Ours liberals. Who formed the coup orchestra of 64? Ours liberals. Who gave the sordid, infamous arguments for the 2015/16 coup? Ours liberals. Who favored - by omission, word and deed - the vote in the aforementioned in 2018? Ours liberals. The right is essentially one, and whether its actors are positioned in the center, in the middle or at the extreme end of the stage, they will always be enemies of the popular classes and of a sovereign, developed and just country.)

But I would not go so far as to say that never, under any circumstances, would tactical understandings be possible with the liberals. However, nothing more than this: circumstances, eventualities. In the path of visceral transformations of the national reality, in the tortuous and rough paths of the Brazilian Revolution, they will be what they are: enemies of the people and the Nation.

To conclude, going back to the beginning: we are not going to turn the next corner, on the way through the transformations of the country, without the mobilization, education and organization of the popular classes. Shall we talk about it?

*Roberto Requiao he was mayor of Curitiba, governor of Paraná and Senator of the Republic.