By JOÃO DOS REIS SILVA JUNIOR*

It’s not just about Amnesty Never, but about saying goodbye to “uniformed impunity”

The 1979 amnesty caused outrage in Brazilian society and in the world press. It pardoned both criminals and victims, preserving the men in uniform and defenders of the current colonial pact. This warning comes from the film The In Between, which awarded Fernanda Torres as best actress at the 2025 Golden Globes. Enacted by President João Figueiredo, the law granted amnesty to political criminals active between 1961 and 1981, including torturers and murderers of the security forces.

Those granted amnesty included military personnel, police officers and civilians who had been persecuted or punished for political activities during the military regime. The law was considered a “historical silence” due to the involvement of the armed forces. The intention was to end the criminal scandal and establish national reconciliation, but intellectuals and politicians criticized it, arguing that, as in Chile, Argentina and Uruguay, the high-ranking torturers should be imprisoned.

The film received well-deserved applause at the Film Festival Cannes (France) and attracted crowds to the country's cinemas. The work is an artistic demand that reflects the will of the people, except for the coup plotters of January 8. At the end of 2022 and beginning of 2023, we were on the brink of another dictatorship. We have a new opportunity to break the colonial pact, return the military to the barracks and start a true democracy. A Nation cannot tolerate military invasion in the Republic. We are protected by the central countries of capitalism and we need to gain respect beyond Brazil's borders. It is not just about Amnesty Never, but about saying goodbye to “uniformed impunity”.

The dictatorship left permanent scars on Brazilian society. During the years of dictatorship, political repression was intense, with arbitrary arrests, torture and disappearances. Numerous individuals were persecuted for their political beliefs and actions. Censorship of the press and communications was vigorously instituted, controlling information and restricting freedom of expression. The military regime implemented economic policies aimed at national development, which were later consolidated in the Plano Real and economic liberalization; however, these policies also had negative repercussions, such as the foreign debt, which was US$1 billion in 1964 and, by the end of the dictatorship, had reached US$105 billion, worsening social inequality.

The dictatorship left a legacy in education with the implementation of Mobral, which focused on learning to read and write in order to transform citizens into literate workers, without promoting world knowledge and critical thinking. The struggle for memory and justice continues to resonate, manifested through movements and commissions dedicated to recognizing and repairing the atrocities against human rights perpetrated during the military regime. At its end, the dictatorship inaugurated a process of redemocratization with the election of Tancredo Neves in 1985 and the promulgation of a new Constitution in 1988.

However, during the Brazilian military dictatorship, families of those who were persecuted or imprisoned lived under a constant blanket of fear and uncertainty. Many lived with the fear that their loved ones would be detained or disappear at any moment. This environment of repression and violence traumatized the psyche of the population.

After the end of the dictatorship, many families continued to face psychological trauma and painful memories. The forced silence and oblivion imposed by the regime made healing and the search for justice difficult. However, initiatives such as the Truth Commission (CNV) and the Testimony Clinics eventually provided a space for psychological repair and memory reconstruction.

The psychological scars of the dictatorship still reverberate, but there is an ongoing effort to address these scars and promote justice and truth. During the Brazilian military regime, businessmen and bankers maintained, and in many cases increased, their power and influence. Numerous companies and large corporations actively supported the 1964 coup and collaborated with the military regime. The National Truth Commission has documented more than 80 companies that participated in repression and human rights violations.

Regarding the interests of the United States, there is evidence that the American government supported the military coup, aiming to prevent Brazil from becoming a “Cuba” in the Western Hemisphere. The American ambassador to Brazil at the time, Lincoln Gordon, was one of the main advocates of this position. Although there is no conclusive evidence that the United States orchestrated the coup, recently revealed documents indicate that it financed opponents of João Goulart and kept troops ready to intervene if necessary. Even so, the scars of the dictatorship persist in Brazil, manifesting themselves in various ways today:

(i) Labor and social rights: the dictatorship implemented policies that weakened workers' and social rights, the impacts of which continue to influence working conditions in Brazil.

(ii) Culture of impunity: The lack of punishment for those responsible for human rights violations during the military regime fostered a culture of impunity that persists in various sectors of society.

(iii) Social inequality: the economic policies adopted by the military regime favored the elite and increased social inequality, a problem that remains central in contemporary Brazil.

(iv) Memory and justice: The struggle for memory and justice persists, with movements and commissions dedicated to recognizing and repairing human rights violations perpetrated during the military regime.

(v) Politics and democracy: The dictatorship left an indelible mark on Brazilian politics, shaping the way governments and institutions operate to this day. During the Brazilian military regime, several traditional families and businessmen provided financial support to the regime.

Among the most notorious families and companies that collaborated with the dictatorship, I highlight some:

(a) Boilesen Family: Henning Albert Boilesen, president of Ultragaz, was one of the main financiers of Operation Bandeirantes (Oban), one of the regime's repressive entities;

(b) Matarazzo family: The Matarazzos, one of the wealthiest in Brazil, were also known for their support of the military regime.

(c) Villas-Bôas family: Known for its influence in the banking and industrial sector, the Villas-Bôas family also supported the military regime.

(d) Moreira Salles family: linked to the largest Brazilian banks and slave labor in niobium mining, this family also contributed financial resources to the coup.

Today, the entire world is aware of much more than what has been exposed in this column. However, I cannot help but make a vehement demand of the legitimately elected government: that no one be granted pardon, from the corporal guarding the block to the four-star general.

*João dos Reis Silva Junior is a full professor in the Department of Education at the Federal University of São Carlos (UFSCar). Author of, among other books, Education, Class Society and University Reforms (Associated Authors) [https://amzn.to/4fLXTKP]

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