Fernand Braudel

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By LINCOLN SECCO*

Considerations on the intellectual trajectory of the French historian

“Every slow progression ends one day, the time of true revolutions is also the time that sees roses bloom” (Fernand Braudel).

Let's imagine being in São Paulo during a conference on October 9, 1935, in the João Mendes Júnior room, at the Faculty of Law of the University of São Paulo. The lecturer is Fernand Paul Braudel. His subject is Anatole France and History (Braudel, 1935).

The USP professor, at a certain point, quotes a passage by Anatole France: “And then Jerôme Coignard tells the delightful anecdote of that King of Persia who, upon ascending the throne – youth lives on illusions – wanted, in order to better direct his country, learn about the history of men and be inspired by their teachings. After twenty years, his scholars – who in Persia, showed a slowness reminiscent of Richelieu's academy – brought to the king, anxious for historical truths, an endless caravan of camels carrying six thousand volumes… Complaining to the sovereign a summary is- the same brought to him twenty years later under the imposing aspect of a library of five hundred volumes.

- I can say without false modesty to have been succinct, informs the perpetual secretary.

- Well, it hasn't been enough yet, replies the king. I'm at the end of life. Summarize still, shorten more, if you want me to learn, before I die, the history of men. He saw the perpetual secretary in front of the palace again five years later. Walking on crutches, he held a donkey by the halter carrying a thick book.

- Hurry up, an officer told him, the king is dying. The king was, in effect, on his deathbed. He turned to the scholar, cast an almost blank look over the thick book and said, sighing:

– I shall die, then, without knowing the history of men!

- Sir, replied the sage, almost as dying as he was, I will summarize it in three words: "they were born, they suffered and they died".

And that is how the king of Persia learned, rather late, universal history.”

Em the mediterranean Braudel was already aware of a tripartite scheme of a long time, movements of set and history of events, fleeting and misleading, as he will say later. It is he himself who recalls the fireflies in Bahia that showed him the transience of events, which come on and off in droves, without ever illuminating the night. This vision of a slowly paced history, in which inequalities and human suffering are constant, in which the most permanent reality is the everyday life of common people (and all people are or have their common dimension) was perhaps not yet elaborated in the professor at USP and not even in the anecdote of Anatole France, but their testimonies and the marks of their presence in the works of some Brazilian historians revealed the crucial role of the Brazilian experience in broadening their vision of spaces and history.

The presence of Fernand Paul Braudel (1902-1985) at the University of São Paulo took place in two periods: 1935-1937 and between May and December 1947. He was still a historian without a body of work. your big book The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Time of Philip II it would be released in 1949 and only published in Brazil in 2016. However, it is a work conceived largely in the interregnum between his two stays in Brazil. In the following decades he would dedicate himself to the work Material civilization and capitalism.

His curriculum vitae delivered to the Faculty of Philosophy, Sciences and Letters (FFCL) records few publications (Anuário 1934-1935). He already had teaching experience in high schools in Algeria and France. His Algerian experience was interrupted by military service in the Rhineland in 1925-1926, but it lasted ten years.

As a member of the French mission that participated in the founding of the FFCL at USP, he had as students Alice Pieffer Canabrava, Astrogildo Rodrigues de Mello, Eduardo D'Oliveira França, Eurípedes Simões de Paula, Odilon Nogueira de Matos, later professors at the University of São Paulo, and Caio Prado Júnior, among others (Martinez, 2002).

Eduardo D'Oliveira França's thesis, which is defined as “an idea and a method at the service of the idea”, was structured under the Braudelian perspective: the Baroque century; the conjuncture of the Portuguese Restoration; and the “revolution of 1640” (France, 1951). The lessons of Braudel and the French geographers may also explain Caio Prado Junior's emphasis on the study of economic circulation. Even a certain eclecticism that Europeans tend, not without prejudice, to criticize in Latin American production and which is also a USP mark, is shown in a superposition of Marxism with French geography, in Caio Prado Junior.

Could not Braudel's own work, as we shall see, be accused of eclecticism, if there were pure thought somewhere, if our discipline did not often borrow his vocabulary and methodologies? Do historians not need to feel close to reality, however mobile it may be? Sheltered from a systematicity that facts sometimes dismantle? And French social scientists don't (re)invent, don't they displace old concepts from different origins all the time as if they were new? Do they not reduce their ex-colony partners to suppliers of intellectual raw materials for their theoretical buildings?

 

A trajectory in three times

Inserting in the intellectual biography the different rhythms of time that marked it, we must verify that Braudel was still the son of a region, Lorraine, marked by an almost untouched material life. Peasant. Traditional. On a conjuncture level, he graduated from elementary and higher school in the face of the German challenge. Conjuncture marked by three wars: the Franco-Prussian of 1870-71; the War of 1914-1918; and World War II (1939-1945). Finally, the writing of his book was done during this last conflict. Every layer of that story is in his book.

Braudel created a work on three levels: the geographic, economic and political. He operated with the plurality of long, medium and short tenses. Finally, he gave prominence to what he called long-lasting. To do so, he made a methodological rotation, leaving the original project (a political history of the time of the Spanish king Felipe II), to embrace the sea as the subject of a story that barely appeared for those narratives about kings and battles.

One cannot simply date the moment of this reversal and a multitude of elements contributed to it. His work in the archives of Simancas (Spain) since 1927 relied on a cinema device bought in Algiers with which he managed to film three thousand pages a day and develop them at night. But in 1936 the political situation invaded his historian's workshop.

Let's not hide the chances. The Civil War begins in this year of 1936 and the Spanish archives can no longer be consulted. Braudel travels to ancient Ragusa (Dubrovnik), vassal city of Venice. It is the archives of that city that allow him to emphasize economic conjunctures, documents on maritime freight, insurance, goods, currencies.

Thus, he moves from political to economic history and from there to geographic history. And behold, politics once again invades the writing of his book. On the 1st. From September the Germans occupy Poland and the period from the declaration of war by France and England from September 3, 1939 to June 22, 1940 (France's surrender) was called “drôle de guerre” (bizarre war). A resigned wait for yet another conflict that the population wanted to avoid.

The conception of the thesis defended at the Sorbonne, in 1947, took place in a concentration camp and some originals were sent to the historian Lucien Febvre. Stuck in an officers' camp, far from the Mediterranean, Braudel described it without seeing it, painting it in multiple spots, with passages from memory. That's how the short time forced him to see without looking and reconstitute maritime spaces through documentation not always at hand. This led him to look for climate rhythms in diplomatic sources, for example. A sea that is hostile in the winter phase meant that wars unfolded in the warm season and peace treaties were dated in the cold and rainy phase of the Mediterranean.

Its geography was no longer an inert stage upon which a story would then be told. He draws on German geographers and, of course, the French master Vidal de La Blache. It is this that gives him the design of a Europe that is a peninsula and whose proximity to seas and rivers facilitate circulation between the north and south of the continent (Lira, 2012).

Braudel extends his Mediterranean to what he called the world economy, an economic space centered on itself, with one or exceptionally more dynamic poles. Its description is that of a moving space: arboreal culture, bush crops (olive trees, fig trees) on the slopes (slopes), grazing (which flourishes in the crisis of arbiculture) and agriculture. Space is a set of sets: atmospheric, terrestrial, hydrographic and biogeographic (Aguirre Rojas, 1997, p. 81). As much as the economies or even the dialectic between the “infidels” and Christendom in the time of Charles V. A policy dictated by empires that looked at each other, touched each other in innumerable skirmishes, even fought in Lepanto on October 7, 1571 ; but they reveal profound realities. The Ionian Sea separates the Mediterranean into two zones of history. The good season arrives earlier in the eastern Mediterranean and the Turks still stock up on the Archipelago (the Aegean Sea), full of islands and food. And yet, the flows of the economy increasingly favor the West.

Braudel does not have a final decision on the determination of human action through spaces. He cannot ignore certain conditionings. The outline of a Mediterranean coastline more intersected than that of North Africa (peninsulas, bays, islands, ports) facilitated coastal navigation and, therefore, trade. The deforested lands of northern Europe gave rise to more “democratic” societies, contrary to what is observed in the occupation of the Mediterranean plains. An ax is enough to cut down the trees, but the conquest of the plains cannot be done without the help of the rich and powerful and the exploitation of a vast workforce. The mountain is the space of fugitives while the plain seeks to control everything.

The eccentric geographical position of Constantinople did not allow it to dominate the entire Mediterranean (Lot, 1927, p.65). Deffontaines, Braudel's colleague at USP, showed that the role of interior lands was important in the conformation of the great Mediterranean States. Turkey flourished in the Anatolian Plateau; Spain was unified by Castile; to Italy (later) by Piedmont. But I could add, in opposition to a pure and simple determinism, that the former Yugoslavia, in whose unity a Portuguese geographer believed too early (Ribeiro, 1987, p. 59.), was only tamed by Serbia in a passing conjuncture of the XNUMXth century to become undo later. Forever?

Braudel maintained his penchant for a certain determinism in his other great work Material civilization and capitalism. There he showed how the slowness of space determined the low speed of currency circulation, the low liquidity and the adoption of credit (Braudel, F. 1998, p. 223); he cited “almost irreversible structures” up to the 1998th century; he described the plants of civilization as organizers of material life and sometimes of “psychic life”, after all the corn crop is highly productive, its growth is fast (Braudel, F. 92, p. 1998). The peasants' free time allowed them to be used for work submitted to the tyranny of states among the Mayans and Aztecs (Braudel, F. 141, p. XNUMX). Men are to blame, but corn is also to blame, he would say.

Still, spaces are human. Its determinism is not purely physical, but of the human being itself. Braudel found in German geography the idea that “we are prisoners to some extent of the choices of those who preceded us”. It is what Braudel called “long-term prisons” and which are not limited to the natural framework (Paris, 1999, p. 322). The Mediterranean relief marked by the relationship between plains and mountains has always been a movement space dictated by transhumance. It is a story and not a simple physical description, to the point where we find a Bosnian village (Dedijer) that practiced Islam in winter (under Turkish control) and Christianity in summer (on the mountain) (Blache, 1933, p. 23)…

What Braudel postulated was a new historical determinism. The long-term one. But this is a determination within each set of phenomena and not between different orders of phenomena (Aguirre Rojas, pp. 44-45). Thus, we do not see in Braudel a determination of the social totality by the economic or geographic sphere, since the structures can be economic, geographic, political, etc. Some aspect of Brazilian literature can be seen as a long-lasting reality and modernism as a conjuncture. As well as the publication of Macunaima it is an event. Whether it is relevant or not, whether it comes from later memory or not, matters little here. There are geographical or economic events like the Lisbon earthquake or the New York stock market crisis; and long-term aspects of political history such as the left-right dyad.

 

the long term

Long duration is a rhythm and not a period. In his mature work, Braudel reveals at the base of society a dominant material life until the XNUMXth century (a non-economy or counter-market), from which the upper floors feed. Next is the market, the exchange space that links nearby towns, villages and surrounding countryside, fairs, exchange operations, coin production, etc. Finally, capitalism: a thin layer of privileged people who monopolize markets, explore different modes of production, carry out long-distance trade and play on the upper floor of fairs: the stock exchanges.

The challenge proposed to Braudel came from another former colleague at USP, Lévi-Strauss. Anthropology drew from its observations elementary, non-historical structures of kinship; Saussure's linguistics had already discovered its “atoms” in speech sounds and Trubetskoy's phonology was developing. The idea that human problems could be reduced to elementary realities and understood by synchronic relationships between elements within systems challenged a discipline apparently attached to the infinite variety of disconnected and casual facts like History. The phoneme, for example, generates by commutation a change of meaning in the word, but itself is devoid of meaning. Myths would be realities almost out of time and universal in human thought.

We know that in the sixteenth century Francis Bacon identified the idols that distorted human understanding: the idols of the Tribe, the Cave, the Forum (or market) and the Theater. If there is an idol that Braudel most avoided, it was that of the theater, or rather, that of theories and systems that do not adhere to the concrete, in “where the narrations made for the scene are more orderly and elegant and are more pleasing than the true narrations taken of history” (Bacon, 1984, p. 31), in Bacon's words.

For Braudel “historians always have a certain difficulty in philosophizing and (…) instead of raising themselves to general ideas that are often dangerous for the integrity of reality, they multiply particular examples” (Friedmann, 1953, p. 25). He wrote his main theoretical article (Braudel, 1978, pp.41-77) “History and social sciences: the long term” in the journal Annales: Economies, Sociétés, Civilizations in 1958. It was published in Portuguese in 1965, translated by Ana Maria Camargo, in USP History Magazine.

The Braudelian method is above all an observation and description based on an empirical basis, “without a priori models” (Vieira, 2011). The structures he envisions are part of a general history that cannot be mathematized; it is a grammar or model that changes over time and according to spaces. Therefore, it does not provide the key to a language or an almost eternal basis of human nature like linguistics. Braudel doubts that there is a “sufficiently equal discourse across time and space” (Braudel, 1998). For him, “every long duration is interrupted more or less day, never all at once, never in its entirety, but fractures arise” (Braudel, 1998, p. 223), this because society is the set of sets and not a superstructure or separate sphere of existence.

Although he maintains an open or implicit dialogue with Marx all the time, he does not see the mode of production, for example, as a permanently valid model. For him, the plane of observation is circulation, a term that Marx and his predecessors borrowed from physiology. We will see in Caio Prado Junior, on the other hand, a similar emphasis on circulation without breaking with Marx, although for this reason and for not using many Marxist categories, he was sometimes considered eclectic. It is possible that the starting point for both Braudel and Caio Prado was the reading of Vidal de La Blache.

Production in Marx is not a simple sphere, except didactically. Just as the way of life, in geography, is not a simple inert structure. Geography itself is at the base for Marx. The concept of mode of production does not exhaust the study of concrete social formations that overlap and juxtapose different productive forms in time. Marx and Braudel, from different observatories, seek totality.

What led Braudel to question certain definitions of capitalism was the observation of realities such as the labor market, class struggles, subproletariat, servants, states and their economic policy (currency issue, loans, public debt) before the industrial era. For this reason, to explain capitalism “it is difficult to start with production, a confusing domain, with arduous delimitation, and still insufficiently inventoried. Circulation, on the contrary, has the advantage of being easy to observe” (Braudel, 1998, p. 12).

The games of exchange are the immediate basis of capitalism and this is a superstructure like Lenin's imperialism (Braudel, 1987, p. 91). A web that holds everyone who leaves the universe of use value. And it increasingly imprisons material life itself, destroying self-consumption. In a network of infinite points, cities are the nodes that articulate fields and trade routes. One of them, as a city-state or economic capital of a national market, plays the role of center of the world economy.

 

The object of the story: the set

Sociology fails to define its object well, which is too broad. What is society? The historian, on the other hand, has a “strict dependence on the concrete”, he unveils “living realities”. Braudel questioned “social mathematics” in his article on long duration; later, when defining society as a set of sets, he ironically borrowed the expression from mathematics. In the mediterranean societies are “Like the dunes, so well glued to the hidden features of the soil: their grains of sand come, go, fly, gather at the whim of the winds, but – immobile sum of innumerable movements – the dune remains in its place” (Braudel, 2016, V. II, p. 119).

“When a sociologist tells us that a structure never ceases to destroy itself, only to rebuild itself” Braudel will later say, what we want is “to know the precise duration of these movements, positive or negative” (Braudel, s/d, p. 73). When guided by the whole, the historian still cannot “present everything in a single plane and in a single movement. The recommendable practice is, when dividing, to keep in mind a globalizing vision: it will necessarily appear in the explanation, it will tend to recreate unity, it will advise not to believe in a false simplicity of society” (Braudel, II, 1998, p. 409). Certainly, when choosing an observatory, for example the economy, “a form of unilateral explanation” is privileged.

Braudel evokes Georges Gurvitch's summary (Braudel, F. 1998, III, p. 9) on feudal society. In fact, by this expression, we would only understand one aspect of the theme. In the oldest base of societies that prevailed between the XNUMXth and XNUMXth centuries we find a manorial society that articulates peasants and lords; then a theocratic society of the Roman Church; then, younger, the territorial State, which partially foundered in the Carolingian period, but reconstituted itself; Finally, feudalism is a superstructure at the top: a chain of suzerainty and vassalage between lords.

This social whole changes, the Church remains partly free of it; the State gradually undermines it; and the peasant lives on the margins of higher changes, although he is in thousands of upheavals at the bottom (Braudel, F. 1998, III, p. 414).

 

Back to the beginning

In the 1970s, the world experienced stagflation, in which the increase in demand did not correspond to an increase in production, but in prices, due to the monopolistic structure of capitalism. This was a very different situation from the “price revolution” studied by Braudel,[I] but it is symptomatic that at that moment he developed his thesis (third volume of Material civilization, economy and capitalism) on capitalism as a monopoly, a superstructure in which a few bosses rely on the state to maintain the rate of profit. It is not by chance that there are similarities and differences with Baran and Sweezy's thesis on monopoly capitalism. In socialist countries, the theory of state monopoly capitalism develops.

Anachronism? Are we talking about a Braudel from the years after USP to explain what he was before? First of all, the intention is to show the elements of his work that were projected far beyond the generation of his students in the 1930s and 1940s.

Second, instead of exposing a linear evolution ab egg, could we not do otherwise? From this mature work, from your anatomy, go back to your course program at USP and understand your initial conceptions? There we surprised Professor Braudel by declaring that it is “the impotence of our spirit and not the difficulty of the object (…) that forces us to fragment reality”. For him, each social science reflects “a fragment of a mirror broken into a thousand pieces”. By cutting out an object that is integral, but reveals itself only in parts, the sciences insert their probes into the social soil. History, on the contrary, articulates these different soundings, sometimes accompanies one of them and uses a zone of the sciences as its observation post, but situates its object in the different times of human existence.

The historian's problem is to talk about what no longer exists, with documental gaps, but precisely for this reason all that remains for him is to have as a horizon "the totality of social life that he seeks and recomposes, without having at his disposal either the object or the the mirror, one that no longer exists, another that does not belong to this world”: “If history is likely to be a science, it is not because it fixes this or that point, but because it leads us to general verifications about society, marking resemblances through particular accidents. It is in these rare moments that it seems to give us the certainty of reconstituting the mirror in its entirety” (Braudel, 2002, pp. 61-8).

In this Braudelian History, human beings are forgiven. They live resigned in an infinitely repeated daily life. When he wrote his work Material civilization, economy and capitalism, he saw them once again as prisoners of Kondratiev cycles, of a long depression perhaps accompanied by an inclination of the trends secular down. Given this, what can governments and societies do? Falls in profit rates, despite surges that do not recover to their former level, would be relentless as an ice age.

 

Events

The “individual is very often, in history, an abstraction”, says Braudel in his introductory lesson at the College de France in December 1950. This does not imply abandoning events, which are lived on the scale of individuals, but going beyond them. Time is not just another instance in a structural framework. All structures (spatial, social, even individual) are crossed by various rhythms of time.

That eventful story that he would have avoided in the 1940s to take refuge from the hazards of war for a long time, has never been abandoned. The battle of Lepanto remained in his 1949 book as much as the lifting of the siege of Malta, one of the most beautiful pages in the third part. Later on, Braudel would say that great events followed, such as the Battle of Plassey (1757) which marked the submission of India or the Opium War (Braudel, F. v. I, 1997, p.86).

As a man of his time and dazzled by fireflies that flicker on and off without ever illuminating the deep night of history, he still did not believe in the decentralization of the world economy to the detriment of the United States and in favor of the Pacific, despite the slow secular decline that he predicted. What would Braudel have said about 11/XNUMX? And isn't China a Braudelian example of a market economy that tries to replace capitalism with state regulation?

The utopia of free, local markets, articulated by some form other than capitalism, could well be lifted from Braudel's tripartite scheme. Like some Jacobins, like Proudhon, perhaps he ultimately saw capitalism from a moral point of view as we see the so hated hoarder in the Paris of the Revolution.

However, capitalism does not create inequalities, struggles between more or less conscious classes, the betrayal of second or third generation bourgeoisies that ennoble themselves. As a night visitor, he enjoys and explores the modes of production he finds; it combines the inequalities of spaces, enhances and expands miseries, privileges, cheating.

When he lived for ten years in occupied Algeria, Braudel did not question colonialism, but in his mature work, already marked by the war in Algeria, he said that “It is not Europe that will discover America or Africa (…). The discoverers of central Africa in the 1997th century, once so praised, traveled on the backs of black porters (…). Also the discoverers of the South American continent, even the bandeirantes from São Paulo (...) and whose epic, throughout the 50th, 1930th and XNUMXth centuries, is admirable, limited themselves to rediscovering the old tracks and streams for pirogues used by the Indians, and it is generally (…) the Mamluks who guide them” (Braudel, F. v. I, XNUMX, p. XNUMX). Let us not overlook the citation of the history of the South American sertanistas that he met during his stay in São Paulo in the XNUMXs.

Above all, it is a game of forces and the capitalists, from an early age, approached the State and used it. They are multi-investors and do not restrict their investment to a single branch.

At his side, Braudel sees bandits, servants, slaves, mutilated people, beggars, vagabonds and all the miserable parade. Venice marks those born in the city to expel those from outside. The toughness of the rich has its counterpart in outbursts of popular anger. From 1301 to 1550 two hundred riots in a hundred German cities; in Lyon there are 126 between 1173 and 1530; in Aquitaine there are 500 events between 1590 and 1715 (Braudel, III, 1998, p. 441). The most prominent long-term reality is, above all, social hierarchies, the inequality that capitalism pushes to the limits of the possible. There is no system that does not have its informals.

 

Conjuncture

The idea of ​​long duration and that of tripartite, multiple and solidary times resonated with the first USP historians, such as Eduardo D'Oliveira França and even Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, despite the variety of references by this author. In the 1960s and 1970s, Marxism predominated, but supported by an author who also recorded in his work a refined analysis of the dialectic of historical times and the categorical centrality of circulation for the understanding of a colonial country, whose dynamic productive center is abroad: Caio Junior Meadow. In a third stage, the Braudelian incidence multiplied at times underlying geographic and historiographical studies.[ii]

The new challenge is no longer structuralism, but the role of a History of totalizing ambition in the face of a strong reaction to scientific knowledge and historical objectivity. Events, conjunctures and structures formed for Braudel a solidary set.

A set of simultaneous conditions, but of different ages and rhythms, the conjuncture is the intersection point in which events can manifest fractures or structural resistance. To quote a Gramscian, it is the “meeting of specific temporalities that lead to an event” and History “is the tool that allows reading both the event and the structure, in its conjunctural form” (Portantiero, 1983, p. 179).

In the 1990s, I joined a study group at USP with Paulo H. Martinez and Bernardo Ricupero, in which we read the mediterranean. We were three Marxists discovering Braudel. We wandered between used bookstores and the company of historians from the Unesp Documentation Center, in Praça da Sé. Among them, Professor Ana Maria Martinez Correa, a student of Eduardo D'Oliveira França, whose work we also studied.

We all ended up studying the work of Caio Prado Júnior. But I also tried, in my doctoral thesis, to analyze the crisis situation of the last Portuguese colonial empire and the carnation revolution, which took place on April 25, 1974 (Secco, 2004). I tried to read both a revolution (event) and the long-lasting structures that might have stopped the radicalization of the political process.

Fernand Braudel was present, although my optimism of will always leads me back to that claim of Sartre that Braudel praised but doubted: the end of social hierarchies. Revolutions change, but not all social sets at once. But there is also no duration that does not end and see the April carnations bloom.

* Lincoln Secco He is a professor in the Department of History at USP. Author, among other books, of History of the PT (Studio).

Originally published on USP Magazine no133, 2022.

 

References


Aguirre Rojas, C. Braudel to debate, Mexico, JGH, 1997.

Yearbook 1934-1935, São Paulo, FFCL / USP, 1934-1935.

Bacon, F. The Thinkers. 3 ed. São Paulo: Abril Cultural, 1984.

Blache, Jules. L'Homme et la Montagne, Paris, Gallimard, 1933.

Braudel, F. Material civilization, economy and capitalism. XV-XVIII centuries. Volume I. The structures of everyday life. São Paulo: Martins Fontes, 1997.

Braudel, F. Material civilization, economy and capitalism. XV-XVIII centuries. Volume II. Exchange games. São Paulo: Martins Fontes, 1998.

Braudel, F. “Anatole France and history”, The State of S. Paul, 10 and 17 November 1935.

Braudel, F.”History and Social Sciences: the long term", Writings on History, São Paulo, Perspective, 1978.

Braudel, F. “The teaching of History and its Guidelines”, History Magazine, No. 146 . São Paulo: USP, 2002.

Braudel, F. The dynamics of capitalism. Rio de Janeiro: Rocco, 1987.

Braudel, F. Material civilization, economy and capitalism. XV-XVIII centuries. Volume III. the time of the world. São Paulo: Martins Fontes, 1998.

Braudel, F. Material civilization, economy and capitalism. XV-XVIII centuries. Volume III. The time of the world. São Paulo: Martins Fontes, 1998.

Braudel, F. Writings on History. São Paulo: Perspectiva, s/d.

France, e. Portugal at the time of the Restoration. São Paulo: FFCL, 1951.

Friedmann, Georges. Villes et Campagnes. Civilization Urbaine et Civilization Rurale en France, Paris, Armand Colin, 1953.

Lira, LA The first draft of Vidal de la Blache's geographical method from Mediterranean studies. Permanencies and ruptures in the context of the institutionalization of geography (1872-1918). USP, FAPESP report, 2012.

Lot, F. La Fin du Monde Antique et le Début du Moyen Âge. Paris: La Renaissance du Livre, 1927.

Martinez, Paulo H. “Fernand Braudel and the first generation of university historians at USP (1935-1956): study notes”, History Magazine, No. 146 São Paulo Jul. 2002.

Paris, Erato. La genèse intellectuale de l'ouevre by Fernand Braudel. Athènes: Institut de Recherches Néohelléniques, 1999.

Villar, Pierre. Or et monnaie dans l'Histoire, Paris, Flammarion, 1974.

Ribeiro, O. Mediterranean: environment and tradition, Lisbon, Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, 1987.

Seco, L. The Carnation Revolution. São Paulo: Alameda / FAPESP / Jaime Cortesão Chair, 2004.

Secco, L. and Deaecto, M. Introduction, in Braudel, F. The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II🇧🇷 São Paulo: Edusp, 2016.

Vieira, Rosângela L. “Political economy of world-systems and new research perspectives for economic history”. Anais do XXVI National Symposium on History –ANPUH • São Paulo, July 2011.

 

Notes


[I] The 1557th century was inflationary due to the influx of precious metals from America, the creation of colonial demand, demographic growth, overexploitation of the indigenous labor force in the production of precious metals (lowering their unitary value), the use of mercury (1974), etc. . See Vilar, XNUMX.

[ii] Hypothesis that awaits a reception study. Among the geographers at USP, I highlight Milton Santos and Antonio Carlos Robert de Moares.

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  • Volodymyr Zelensky's trapstar wars 15/06/2024 By HUGO DIONÍSIO: Whether Zelensky gets his glass full – the US entry into the war – or his glass half full – Europe’s entry into the war – either solution is devastating for our lives
  • PEC-65: independence or patrimonialism in the Central Bank?Campos Neto Trojan Horse 17/06/2024 By PEDRO PAULO ZAHLUTH BASTOS: What Roberto Campos Neto proposes is the constitutional amendment of free lunch for the future elite of the Central Bank
  • Hélio Pellegrino, 100 years oldHelio Pellegrino 14/06/2024 By FERNANDA CANAVÊZ & FERNANDA PACHECO-FERREIRA: In the vast elaboration of the psychoanalyst and writer, there is still an aspect little explored: the class struggle in psychoanalysis
  • Introduction to “Capital” by Karl Marxred triangular culture 02/06/2024 By ELEUTÉRIO FS PRADO: Commentary on the book by Michael Heinrich

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