By PAULO FERNANDES SILVEIRA*
SNI archives indicate that FHC was one of the teachers most persecuted by the dictatorship
“Any gesture was a risky and courageous gesture”
(Fernando Henrique Cardoso).
On November 18, 2011, President Dilma Rousseff sanctioned the laws that regulated the creation of the National Truth Commission – CNV and access to information (CANAL GOV, 2011).
The inauguration ceremony of the CNV members, held on May 16, 2012, was attended by President Dilma Rousseff and the former presidents (still alive) who took office with the redemocratization: José Sarney; Fernando Collor de Mello, Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Luis Inácio Lula da Silva (PARA OAB, 2012).
In August 2013, the National Archives digitized all documents of the National Information Service – SNI (BRASIL, 2022). In the same period, documents from the Department of Political and Social Order – DEOPS of São Paulo were also digitized (MACIEL, 2013).
In addition to the information provided by the CNV, access to the SNI documents allows us to learn about the positions of many people regarding the military dictatorship. Both those who acted as informants for the repressive organs, such as sociologist and psychoanalyst Virgínia Bicudo (LIMA, 2021) and sociologist Fernando Mourão (SILVEIRA, 2023),[I] as well as the countless people who were part of the resistance.
The work of the CNV shows that one way to make a historical reconstruction is to contrast the information in the documents with that in the testimonies.
The SNI archives indicate that FHC was one of the professors most persecuted by the dictatorship. There are more than one hundred reports about him or about the Brazilian Center for Analysis and Planning – CEBRAP, a research institution that FHC helped to create.
A SNI report states that, on April 10, 1964, a few days after the coup, in order to avoid being arrested, FHC fled to Chile (BRASIL, 1974a).[ii] In his testimony to the CNV (2014b), FHC explains the escape strategy that counted on the solidarity of several colleagues. One of the people who helped him was the sociologist and political scientist Leôncio Martins Rodrigues, a former student of Ruth Cardoso, FHC's wife, at the Fernão Dias Paes state school (CARDOSO, 2021).
FHC's fears were not unfounded. Soon after the coup, physicist Mário Schenberg, a professor at USP, was arrested for questioning and held at DEOPS for 50 days (BRASIL, 1969a). In the article “Delito de opinião” (Crime of Opinion), published on June 24, 1964, Márcio Moreira Alves (1964) denounced the persecutions at universities, referring to Schenberg's arrest and FHC's exile.
One of the DEOPS reports (SÃO PAULO, 1979a) states that FHC's personal address was: Nebraska Street, No. 267, in São Paulo. Florestan Fernandes (BRAZIL, 392a), FHC's former advisor, lived on this same street, at No. 1969. The families maintained a good relationship. FHC and Ruth's family dog, the German Shepherd Moleque, stayed with Florestan and Mirian Fernandes' daughters and son.[iii]
As soon as he managed to leave Brazil via Viracopos airport, where his name was not yet on the list of persecuted people, FHC went to Argentina (BRASIL, 2014b). There he received an invitation from sociologists Gino Germani and Torcuato Di Tella to teach at the University of Buenos Aires.
At that time, economist Nuno Fidelino de Figueiredo, with whom FHC had worked at USP, was passing through Buenos Aires. Figueiredo was deputy director of the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) and, at the request of Spanish sociologist José Medina Echavarría, invited FHC to work at the research institution's headquarters in Santiago, Chile. [iv] FHC preferred this proposal because Chile seemed to have greater political stability at that time.
Even though he expected to return to Brazil soon, FHC remained with his family in Chile until the end of 1967. The following year, he began teaching at the University of Paris (BRASIL, 2014b).
FHC's activities in exile were monitored by the dictatorship. A report by the National Institute of National Intelligence (SNI) reveals that FHC was being watched in Chile by someone close to him: “The same informant explained that this professor is doing very well in Santiago, as he receives around Cr$2000,00 from UNESCO” (BRASIL, 1974a, p. 8).
The rector of USP, professor Gama e Silva, who during the military governments became Minister of Justice and one of the authors of AI-5, created a Purge Commission of professors, students and employees.
On June 6, 1964, the commission formed by three professors concluded: “the infiltration of Marxist ideas in various university sectors is truly impressive, and its indoctrinators and agents of subversive processes must be removed from there” (O TERROR, 1964, p. 1).
From the Faculty of Philosophy, Sciences and Letters at USP, the commission suggested the suspension of the political rights of the professors: Mário Schenberg, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Nuno Fidelino de Figueiredo, João Cruz Costa and Florestan Fernandes.
In April 1964, Military Police Inquiries (IPMs) began to be opened throughout the country (INSTAURADOS, 1964). The interrogations of USP professors took place in September (NOTAS, 1964). Those responsible for the inquiries were installed in the faculties themselves (BRASIL, 1979a). The interrogation of Mário Schenberg lasted 7 hours. Shortly after giving his testimony, João Vilanova Artigas, a professor at the Faculty of Architecture and Urbanism, was arrested.
On September 9, 1964, Florestan sent a letter to Lieutenant Colonel Bernardo Schönmann, president of the IPM of the Faculty of Philosophy: “it was with undisguised disappointment and indignation that I saw the schools and institutes of the University of São Paulo being included in the network of summary investigation, of a 'military-police' nature, which aims to investigate the dens of corruption and the centers of subversive agitation within the public services maintained by the State Government” (LETTER, 2006).[v]
Two days later, on a Friday afternoon, Florestan was arrested and spent the weekend at the then 7th Guard Company Barracks, in Dom Pedro II Park (RECEPTION, 1964). On the morning of September 14, with the release order in hand, Mirian Fernandes, Florestan's wife, went to pick him up at the barracks. Florestan Fernandes was received with a party by the students of his college.
In August 1965, FHC came to Brazil to attend the burial of his father, General Leônidas Cardoso (GENERAL, 1965). At the end of the ceremony, military police informed FHC that he had two days to leave the country (O PRESIDENTE, 2022). Weeks later, FHC, Florestan, Mário Schenberg and João Cruz Costa were placed in preventive detention (DOPS, 1965).[vi]
In August 1966, lawyer Saulo Ramos managed to obtain a Habeas Corpus for Florestan at the Supreme Military Court (STM) (SOCIOLOGIST, 1966). One month later, Evaristo de Moraes Filho filed a Habeas Corpus petition in favor of FHC at the STM: “The lawyer requested exclusion from the case, as per the Habeas Corpus previously granted to Florestan Fernandes” (PROFESSOR, 1966, p. 8).
Once the threat of arrest was dismissed, FHC returned to Brazil in the second half of 1968. In October 1968, he won the competition for the chair of political science at USP (UM AJUSTE, 2023).
The chair was being widely debated in academic circles. The National Union of Students – UNE advocated a university reform that would create equal representation and abolish the chair system (FÁVERO, 2009). In June 1968, the student movement occupied the USP rectory to demand measures that could promote the democratization of the university (CELESTE FILHO, 2006).
After the military-sponsored university reform in November 1968, the chair was abolished at USP. The military had their own reasons for questioning the chair. Assuming that FHC would already be a professor in 1964, the final report of the IPM of the Faculty of Philosophy, signed by Lieutenant Colonel Schönmann, alleges that he: “uses it (the chair) as a vehicle for enticing and deforming the mentalities of a large number of students” (BRASIL, 1965b, p. 145).
Some of the professors who participated in the resistance against the dictatorship, such as Mário Schenberg and Florestan, were professors. The mainstream media expressed indignation at the fact that professors were also being persecuted by the dictatorship. The prestige of the professorship was a protection for the professors of the resistance.
On December 13, 1968, Gama e Silva, Minister of Justice, professor and former rector of USP, justified Institutional Act No. 5 on a national radio and television network (DISCURSO, 1968). § 1 of Art. 6 determines: “The President of the Republic may, by decree, dismiss, remove, retire or make available any holders of the guarantees referred to in this Article” (GOVERNO, 1968).
On April 26, 1969, newspapers reported the compulsory retirement of 44 public servants, including USP professors Bolívar Lamounier, Florestan Fernandes and João Vilanova Artigas (COSTA, 1969).
Days later, a new list of teachers who were compulsorily retired was released, including: Mário Schenberg, Caio Prado Jr., Isaias Raw, Emilia Viotti da Costa, Elza Berquó, Paula Beiguelman, Paul Singer, Octavio Ianni, José Arthur Giannotti, Bento Prado Jr. and Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PRESIDENT, 1969).
Mandatory retirement implied a remuneration proportional to the time of service provided at USP, in some cases, such as that of FHC, who had just passed the exam for a professorship, a small fraction of the full salary.
Even though he had received invitations to teach in other countries, FHC decided to stay in Brazil and create a research center (O PRESIDENTE, 2022). The creation of CEBRAP, in May 1969, had the participation of other professors who were compulsorily retired by AI-5 (SORJ, 2008).
One of the collaborators was Elza Berquó, who had been director of the Center for Population Dynamics Studies – CEDIP, at the Faculty of Hygiene and Public Health at USP, where Cândido Procópio and Paul Singer also worked (THOMÉ, 2017).[vii]
FHC himself brought experience from creating and coordinating, alongside Florestan, the Center for Industrial and Labor Sociology – CESIT, linked to the Faculty of Philosophy at USP (BAPTISTA, 2009).
In a statement about the creation of CEBRAP, FHC highlights the importance of his international experience as a researcher at CEPAL, where he worked with funding from the Rockefeller Foundation and the Ford Foundation (CARDOSO, 2019).
According to the statements of Elza Berquó and Paul Singer (RETRATO, 2009a), several meetings were held with the dismissed professors to plan all the details about the research center.
The issue of financing was the responsibility of FHC, who sought out a professor who had been a representative of the Ford Foundation in Brazil: Peter Bell.
Despite having been pressured by the American embassy and the CIA not to support a center made up of professors expelled from USP by the dictatorship (STURM; WERNECK, 2012), Bell managed to obtain the release of US$100 for the creation of CEBRAP (RETRATO, 2009a).
The support of politicians and businessmen of different ideological persuasions contributed to the viability of the project: Celso Lafer, Severo Gomes, Paulo Egydio Martins and José Mindlin (RETRATO, 2009a). There was also support from the Getúlio Vargas Foundation.
The SNI reports recognize this support network: “The Brazilian Center for Analysis and Planning, also known by the acronym 'CEBRAP', is a private entity (…). It was created by several USP professors, some retired by AI-5, with the support and encouragement of business circles and industries” (BRASIL, 1976a, p. 3).
One of the first reports on CEBRAP, prepared in 1970, even suggests that businessman José Mindlin was the true coordinator of the research center (BRASIL, 1970a).
In June 1970, three American researchers from the Ford Foundation in Brazil were arrested and interrogated in Rio de Janeiro: Riordan Roett, Carlos Manoel Pelaez and Werner Baer (BRASIL, 1970b). These researchers were suspected of participating in a slanderous campaign against Brazil and of being involved in the kidnapping of the German ambassador: Karl von Spreti.[viii]
Stanley Nicholson, Ford's representative in Brazil, promptly sent a letter to the Brazilian authorities asking for explanations (BRASIL, 1970c). A report by the Army Intelligence Center – CIE makes the following comment about this letter: “It is also worth highlighting the inadmissible interference of the private organization 'FORD FOUNDATION' in Brazilian Government matters, and the aggressive tone, with threats and pressures typical of capitalist groups, boasting about the advantages of their activities for BRAZIL, as if this lack of ethics frightened our Government or any of its representatives” (BRASIL, 1970b).
The presidency of CEBRAP was assumed by sociologist Cândido Procópio, a professor at the USP School of Public Health who was not removed from office by AI-5 (BRASIL, 2014b).
An army report states that CEBRAP is an attempt to reorganize leftist intelligence (BRASIL, 1973a). Like this one, other SNI reports on CEBRAP have leftist intelligence as their main subject.
In fact, the creation of CEBRAP allowed a reorganization of leftist or progressive intelligence. In addition to the professors who were dismissed, several other Brazilian and foreign researchers were welcomed by the center.
Some members of CEBRAP had been active in far-left groups. Before entering the research center, some had been arrested or even tortured, including: Maria Hermínia Tavares (BRAZIL, 1973b), Régis Andrade (BRAZIL, 1981a), Frederico Mazzucchelli (BRAZIL, 1974b), Carlos Eduardo Silveira (BRAZIL, 1974b) and Vinicius Caldeira Brant (BRAZIL, 1981b).
In his testimony to CNV (BRASIL, 2014b), FHC talks about the hiring of economist and sociologist Vinicius Brant, who was active in the Peasant Leagues and the Revolutionary Workers' Party – PRT.
After leaving prison, still shaken, Brant went to FHC's private residence to ask him for a job. Since he was no longer part of any organization, which could compromise CEBRAP, FHC decided to place him in the research center.
In the precise analysis of sociologist Bernardo Sorj: “CEBRAP already appears theoretically distanced from the armed struggle, and sympathy for the opposition to the military government and the repudiation of torture did not mean support for the guerrillas” (2008, p. 60).
One of the CEBRAP works in which Brant collaborated was the study: São Paulo 1975: growth and poverty (CEBRAP, 1976), commissioned by the Justice and Peace Commission of the Archdiocese of São Paulo.
SNI reports monitored Cardinal Dom Paulo Evaristo Ars' rapprochement with FHC and CEBRAP (BRASIL, 1976c; BRASIL, 1976d).
In capital letters, one of the SNI reports accuses the presence of an informant close to FHC: “We request that this report not be disseminated in order to preserve the source” (BRASIL, 1976b).
In the early 1970s, FHC expressed solidarity and courage towards two people who were arrested and tortured.
Professor of political science at USP and researcher at CEBRAP, Maria do Carmo Campello de Souza, known as Carmute, welcomed young VPR and POC activists who needed to hide from repression into her apartment (KISZTAJN, 2023).
In April 1970, Carmute was arrested and tortured at OBAN (BRASIL, 1970a; 1970b). Weeks later, she was transferred to Tiradentes prison, where other political prisoners were held, including Dilma Rousseff (TORRE, 2018).[ix]
In a statement about his career, Carmute recognizes the importance of the visit he received from FHC in Tiradentes: “He showed up, we talked, it was a pleasant surprise because they called me to the jail and it wasn’t visiting time. He was the director of CEBRAP at the time” (TRINDADE, 2012, p. 201).
In January 1971, federal deputy Rubens Paiva was arrested with his wife Eunice and daughter Eliane. His body was never found. According to Marcelo Paiva, after his father disappeared, some friends of his family, including FHC, contacted the US government: “They contacted Senator Ted Kennedy, who directly questioned White House advisor Henry Kissinger to obtain information about Rubens Paiva’s disappearance. He was informed that the former deputy had been killed by a group of military investigators” (2001, p. 46).[X]
After four decades, the details of the deputy’s murder were finally clarified by the CNV (BRASIL, 2014a). Based on the testimonies collected by the CNV, Marcelo Paiva narrated this political and family tragedy: “My father was beaten for two days in a row. (…) Imagine this good-natured guy, one of the nicest and most cheerful men many have ever known, at forty-one years old, naked, being beaten to death… They say he asked for water all the time. In the end, covered in blood, he would only repeat his name. For hours. Rubens Paiva. Rubens Paiva. Rubens Paiva, Ru… Pai” (2015, p. 112-113).
After the murder of Rubens Paiva, one of his friends, the businessman and journalist Fernando Gasparian, decided to create the newspaper Opinion. Gasparian sought to join all forces in the fight against the dictatorship.
In a beautiful article, Marcelo Paiva (2012) refers to Gasparian as his second father. Among the collaborators of Opinion were FHC and other researchers from CEBRAP. According to Paiva, Gasparian's newspaper: “made the CEBRAP staff roll up their sleeves and write in journalistic language” (2012, n/p).
O Opinion printed a black bar on censored texts. This is what they did when they reported, in April 1973, the death of Alexandre Vannucchi, a USP student who was brutally murdered by the dictatorship (MISSA, 1973).
On the same page, the newspaper brings the second part of an article by FHC calling on the opposition to adopt a new stance in the fight against the dictatorship: “The important thing, ultimately, less than radicalizing verbally and drinking whiskey at night in the face of the dead weight of adverse conditions, is to seek to concretely present alternatives and create forces that allow for transformation” (CARDOSO, 1973, p. 5).
In his testimony to CNV, FHC states that this article motivated Ulysses Guimarães to seek him out at CEBRAP (BRASIL, 2014b). Fernando Gasparian mediated this meeting (SORJ, 2008).
According to Chico de Oliveira (RETRATO, 2009b), Ulysses asked CEBRAP to create a government program for his campaign as an “anti-candidate” for president for the Democratic Movement – MDB in the indirect elections of 1974 (WESTIN, 2023).
The archives of DEOPS (SÃO PAULO, 1976) and SNI (BRASIL, 1976e) contain copies of early versions of this program, probably seized during police searches. As a research center open to a plurality of political positions, FHC argued that the work could not be done by CEBRAP, but by researchers who wanted to collaborate.[xi]
For Chico de Oliveira, the CEBRAP researchers who contributed to the development of the program were: Chico de Oliveira himself, FHC, Maria Hermínia Tavares, Luiz Werrnek Vianna and Francisco Weffort (RETRATO, 2009b). In a statement, FHC adds Bolívar Lamounier to this list (BRASIL, 2014b). A manuscript of the government program project indicates the collaboration of the researcher “JAM”: José Álvaro Moisés (SÃO PAULO, 1976).
In August 1974, FHC presented the conference “The MDB in the political and electoral context” (CARDOSO, 1974), at the Institute of Social Studies and Research – IEPES, linked to the MDB of Rio Grande do Sul.
A SNI dossier is titled: “Influence of CEBRAP on the political activities of the MDB” (BRASIL, 1977a). The report includes a speech by Eduardo Galil, a deputy from ARENA, in the National Congress. In his speech, made in June 1977, Galil repeats information from the SNI reports on CEBRAP, including incorrect information, such as the one that includes Florestan Fernandes among the members of the research center.
After pointing out the leftist groups to which each of the CEBRAP members had participated, Galil states: “What, apparently, is at the base of this breach, this wedge introduced into the democratic principles of the MDB? The answer is simple: Marxist infiltration that, persistent as moles in their work, has been radicalizing the party’s actions. The source and channels of this infiltration are called, respectively, CEBRAP and IEPES” (BRASIL, 1977a, p. 5).
The fall of Chilean President Salvador Allende in late 1973 provoked a major movement among left-wing groups in Latin America. Brazil experienced intense military repression. This repression affected CEBRAP.
In a statement, Ricardo Lagos, former president of Chile, thanks FHC for his solidarity with the researchers from the Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences – FLACSO who were in Chile when Allende fell: “I don’t know if you remember, but you were the first foreigner to call me from abroad. I was the general secretary of FLACSO, (…) you had made a collection, raised 5000 dollars and sent it to Chile. (…) ‘Because I know you’re going to need it’, you told me. The ticket to Buenos Aires cost 50 dollars. (…) One hundred Chileans left with the 5 dollars from CEBRAP. These things are unforgettable. They reveal a Latin America that understood solidarity as something natural” (O PRESIDENTE, 2022).
In April 1974, Carlos Eduardo Silveira, Chico de Oliveira and Frederico Mazzucchelli were arrested and tortured at DEOPS (RETRATO, 2009b). These CEBRAP researchers had reportedly participated in meetings with activists from the Leninist Tendency of National Liberation Action – TL-ALN (BRASIL, 1974c).
In September 1974, Paul Singer, Régis Andrade, and Vinicius Caldeira were arrested. These researchers were suspected of having links with the International Communist Movement – MCI (BRAZIL, 1975a). According to Paul Singer, although they were all threatened, only Vinicius Caldeira was tortured (INTERVIEW, 2018).
In October 1974, all CEBRAP researchers working at the time, including FHC, were summoned to testify at the Information Operations Detachment – Internal Defense Operations Center – DOI-CODI, suspected of having relations “with some subversive organization or even communist entities of international scope” (BRASIL, 1974d, p. 1). According to FHC, the testimonies were marked by intimidation: “I was interrogated for hours, with threats of torture. I saw people being tortured, my questions came from another place, by telephone. And they asked about leaders whose names I did not know. Later I found out: once I had gone to a seminar in Mexico with Ianni and, at the airport on the way back, there was a Trotskyist leader named Ernest Mandel there. I carried his wife’s suitcase out of kindness. They took a picture of it and I became a Trotskyist” (CARDOSO, 2019, p. 4).
In November 1974, economist Maria da Conceição Tavares was arrested and sent to the DOI-CODI in São Paulo (BRASIL, 1974e). She was accused of having relations with subversive elements in Chile. The SNI report associates Conceição Tavares with CEBRAP researchers.
At the request of ministers Severo Gomes and Mário Henrique Simonsen, then-president Ernesto Geisel ordered her release (COSTA; MELO, 2019). Regarding the prison, Conceição Tavares commented: “It was unpleasant, very disgusting cells, freezing cold, painted white, a damn cold. I wasn’t tortured or anything, but I was threatened. At least they didn’t disappear with me” (MORRE, 2024, n/p).
In September 1975, the Ministry of Justice considered the possibility of censorship Authoritarianism and democratization, by FHC (1975a). The favorable opinion on censorship was from the Federal Police delegate Jesuan de Paula Xavier (BRAZIL, 1975b). This same delegate censored Happy New Year, by Rubem Fonseca (BRAZIL, 1977b), and suggested that Cláudio Abramo be fired from Folha de S. Paul (BRAZIL, 1977c).
The opinion of delegate Jesuan de Paula makes extensive quotations and comments on several passages from FHC's book. The central point of his criticism is: “As if it were the logical conclusion of his speech and as if he were making a mere historical report, FHC not only suggests, but explicitly approves violence” (BRASIL, 1975c, p. 9). For Jesuan de Paula, FHC would advocate violent resistance to the dictatorship.
The passages from the book cited by Jesuan de Paula that aim to endorse his analysis refer to the positions of Régis Debray (1967) assumed in revolution in revolution. According to FHC, the thesis on the theory of dependency developed by him and Enzo Faletto in Dependency and development in Latin America was exactly the opposite of the positions defended by Ernesto Guevara and Debray: “There is no uniform periphery dominated by a center. There are different forms of periphery that articulate themselves variably with these centers, whose paths are also variable, depending on the political action. That is what was said in that book. What happened was that, when we published this book, Guevara's book with Debray came out shortly after, revolution in revolution, which dominated everything and was all wrong. It was the opposite of what we said” (BEAL, 2016, p. 236).
The book Authoritarianism and democratization is a set of seven essays that FHC published between 1972 and 1974. References to Debray's book (1967), which develops some of Guevara's ideas, appear in chapters 1 and 5.
In the first chapter, FHC extends the criticism he directs at Debray to the researchers who formed the Center for Socioeconomic Studies – CESO, in Chile, and who created the Marxist theory of dependency. [xii] One of FHC's criticisms is aimed at the Latin American dilemma between socialism or fascism, the title of one of the books by Theotônio dos Santos (1978), published in Chile in 1966.[xiii]
Against the defenders of the Marxist theory of dependency and against the foquismo of Guevara and Debray, FHC indicates political alternatives for Latin America that would escape the dilemma between socialism or fascism. On this issue, FHC distances himself from the positions that Florestan Fernandes (1976) supported in the same period.[xiv]
Jesuan de Paula's opinion could not be more wrong; he considers Debray's quotes in the book to be FHC's own positions. Fortunately, the legal advisor to the Ministry of Justice, prosecutor Ronaldo Poletti, did not approve the censorship of the book (BRASIL, 1975c).
Although the book was not censored, the thesis that FHC approved of violence became part of the SNI reports. To increase suspicion about FHC's foquista positions, one of the reports about him states that: “During the period he was in France, he lived with Régis Debray and André Gorz” (BRASIL, 1979b, p. 2).
In the early hours of September 4, 1976, the CEBRAP headquarters, located at 499 Bahia Street, in the Higianópolis neighborhood, in the central region of the city of São Paulo, suffered an attack: “The bomb was thrown from the street, against the windows of the building that stands a few meters from the sidewalk. The damage caused was minor and a fire was quickly extinguished by the CEBRAP security guard” (BRASIL, 1976f, p. 1).
Three days after the attack, the Secretary of Public Security of the State of São Paulo, Colonel Erasmo Dias, gave an interview to the mainstream press criticizing the book São Paulo 1975: growth and poverty, prepared by CEBRAP (1976): “I read this book every day to get angry! (…) Essentially Marxist. (…) It does not present any solution and distorts reality” (ERASMO, 1976, p. 7).
Colonel Erasmo Dias maintained the hypothesis that someone had faked the attack to promote this book. At the end of the interview, Erasmo Dias made a threatening comment: “Because a little bomb today, a big bomb tomorrow, a big bomb the day after tomorrow, we prefer to stick with the little bomb” (ERASMO, 1976, p. 7).
The police did not find the perpetrators of the attack. In the final investigation report, issued on September 29, 1977, after highlighting that many CEBRAP employees and directors were registered with the DEOPS as communists and subversives, the officer in charge suggested: “the archiving of these records, which will remain pending any new elements that may be obtained” (SÃO PAULO, 1976, p. 119).
Between 1977 and 1978, FHC participated in activities related to the amnesty campaign (BRASIL, 1978c). During the same period, he and other CEBRAP researchers participated in meetings of the Brazilian Society for the Advancement of Science – SBPC, which was an important forum for resistance to the dictatorship (BRASIL, 1978d).
In 1978, at a meeting with FHC and other MDB members, jurist José Gregori announced that Hélio Bicudo would no longer run for the Senate sub-party. To which Professor Antonio Angarita, one of the founders of CEBRAP, took the floor: “Why not the prince of Brazilian sociology?” (O PRESIDENTE, 2022). At first, FHC was reluctant, but ended up accepting to run in the election.
During his campaign, FHC had strong support from Lula (BRASIL, 1978a). Alongside the union leader, FHC held rallies and distributed pamphlets in unions and at factory gates. FHC's candidacy motivated the participation of artists and intellectuals, Chico Buarque contributed with the jingle: “We don't want chiefs anymore/ We don't want overseers anymore/ We're on the upswing now/ Fernando Henrique senator” (A CAMPANHA, 2022, n/p).
After Luís Carlos Prestes decided to support the vote for some MDB candidates, the military government's surveillance and repression agencies prepared a long and detailed report on the candidates supported by communist organizations (BRASIL, 1978b). Half of the report is dedicated to FHC. The information gathered by DEOPS accompanies the legal battle to challenge his candidacy, since his conviction under AI-5 would have made FHC ineligible for 10 years.
Four days before the elections, the STF held the final judgment on the case: “By eight votes to one, the Supreme Federal Court decided, yesterday, to maintain the registration of the candidacy of sociologist Fernando Henrique Cardoso for a seat in the Federal Senate, for the MDB of São Paulo” (STF, 1978, p. 6).
With more than a million votes, FHC had the second highest number of votes for the Senate, behind only Franco Montoro.
In 1979, after the outbreak of strikes in the ABC region of São Paulo, the debate on the creation of the Workers' Party (PT) began. Some SNI reports indicate the collaboration of several people in making the party viable, including researchers linked to CEBRAP: FHC, Antônio Angarita, José Serra, Chico de Oliveira, Francisco Weffort, Paul Singer, José Álvaro Moisés and Eunice Durham (BRASIL, 1979c; BRASIL, 1980).
In 1980, the PT was founded. Regarding this change in the political-party organization, FHC made the following comment: “Some of the CEBRAP researchers went to the party, such as Weffort, Singer, Leôncio Martins Rodrigues – although he does not like it to be said. The fact is that this division in the opposition did not prevent coexistence in CEBRAP” (CARDOSO, 2019, p. 8).
In the 1982 elections, Franco Montoro was elected governor of São Paulo and, according to electoral laws, his first alternate for the Senate would not be Magalhães Teixeira, his alternate in the party, but the second most voted candidate in the 1978 elections for the Senate (CARDOSO, 2014). In 1983, FHC became a senator (BRASIL, 1983). That was the beginning of a political career that would lead him to two terms as president of the Republic.
Brazil was beginning to take some steps towards redemocratization. Little by little, we moved away from the arbitrary actions and horrors that marked the military dictatorship. Many people fell along the way, and many resisted as best they could. The collective creation of CEBRAP opened up an alternative for intellectuals who were in the resistance, at a time when any gesture was a risky and courageous gesture.
* Paulo Fernandes Silveira Professor at the Faculty of Education at USP and researcher at the Human Rights Group at the Institute for Advanced Studies at USP.
References
Websites of the São Paulo State Archive and the National Archive.
DEOPS documents digitized by the São Paulo State Archives. Available at: https://www.arquivoestado.sp.gov.br/web/digitalizado/textual/deops_documento
SNI documents digitized by the National Archives. Available at: https://sian.an.gov.br/sianex/Consulta/login.asp
DEOPS-SP and SNI documents consulted.
BRAZIL (2022). Memories Revealed. History. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: https://www.gov.br/memoriasreveladas/pt-br/acesso-a-informacao/institucional/historico
BRAZIL (2014a). National Truth Commission. Rubens Paiva. In. Report of the National Truth Commission, v. 1, Brasília: CNV, p. 562-570. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_rjanrio_cnv/0/cve/00092000508201511_v_01/br_rjanrio_cnv_0_cve_00092000508201511_v_01_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1983). National Information Service. São Paulo Agency. Report No. 0687/15/ASP/83, March 24, 1983. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/eee/83013696/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_eee_83013696_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1981a). National Intelligence Service. São Paulo Agency. Ministry of the Army. Subject: Summary of Statements – prisoner grid. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/eee/81008405/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_eee_81008405_d0003de0007.pdf
BRAZIL (1981b). National Intelligence Service. São Paulo Agency. Ministry of the Army. Subject: Summary of Statements – prisoner grid. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/eee/81008452/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_eee_81008452_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1980). National Information Service. Central Agency. Information No. 004/15/AC/80, March 25, 1980. Subject: Reorganization of Political Parties – Workers’ Party – PT. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/aaa/80006995/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_aaa_80006995_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1979a). National Information Service. São Paulo Agency. Report No. 001/116/ASP/1979, January 2, 1979. Subject: The Black Book of USP. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/eee/79000105/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_eee_79000105_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1979b). National Information Service. Central Agency. Report No. 0295-A/31/AC/79, February 19, 1979. Subject: Background of Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/aaa/79000570/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_aaa_79000570_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1979c). National Information Service. São Paulo Agency. Report No. 3802-116/ASP/AC, November 1979. Subject: Workers' Party (PT). Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/eee/79002349/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_eee_79002349_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1978a). National Intelligence Service. Central Agency. Information No. 4004/116/ASP/SNI, August 10, 1978. Subject: Fernando Henrique Cardoso – Electoral propaganda. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/aaa/78112965/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_aaa_78112965_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1978b). National Information Service. São Paulo Agency. Search Order No. 5383/116/ASP/78, October 26, 1978. Subject: Political Campaign – Candidates supported by communist organizations. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/eee/81006677/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_eee_81006677_d0001de0007.pdf
BRAZIL (1978c). National Information Service. Central Agency. Report No. 044/19/AC/78, March 1, 1978. Subject: Women's Movement for Amnesty – MFPA. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/aaa/78109334/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_aaa_78109334_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1978d). National Information Service. Central Agency. Information No. 0559/19/AC/78, July 11, 1978. Subject: 30th Annual Meeting of the SBPC – Distribution of Pamphlets and Newspapers. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/aaa/78113125/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_aaa_78113125_d0001de0002.pdf
BRAZIL (1977a). National Information Service. Central Agency. Forwarding No. 031/15/AC/77, July 8, 1977. Subject: Influence of CEBRAP on the political activities of the MDB. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/rrr/83005570/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_rrr_83005570_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1977b). National Intelligence Service. Ministry of Justice. Federal Police Department. Official Letter No. 591/Sec/Gab, June 2, 1977. Subject: Confidential Document. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_rjanrio_tt/0/mcp/pro/0821/br_rjanrio_tt_0_mcp_pro_0821_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1977c). National Intelligence Service. Ministry of Justice. Security and Intelligence Division. Report No. 134/77/DSI/MJ, December 20, 1977. Subject: Leftist Action in the Newspaper “Folha de São Paulo” (SP). Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_rjanrio_tt/0/mcp/pro/1126/br_rjanrio_tt_0_mcp_pro_1126_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1976a). National Intelligence Service. Command of the 2nd Army, 00001nd Section. File No. XNUMX. Entity: CEBRAP – Brazilian Research Center. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/aaa/76097412/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_aaa_76097412_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1976b). National Information Service. Report No. 7984/31/AC/76, December 7, 1976. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/aaa/76099478/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_aaa_76099478_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1976c). National Information Service. Information No. 0070/119/1977ASP/SNI, January 5, 1976. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/eee/81005994/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_eee_81005994_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1976d). National Information Service. Information No. 487/NAGO/SNI/76, December 23, 1976. Subject: Adverse propaganda: activities of the leftist clergy. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/rrr/83006433/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_rrr_83006433_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1976e). National Information Service. Central Agency. Information No. 916/19/AC/76, September 22, 1976. Subject: Brazilian Center for Analysis and Planning – CEBRAP. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/aaa/78112242/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_aaa_78112242_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1976f). National Intelligence Service. São Paulo Agency. Information No. 05485/70/ASP/SNI/76, September 27, 1976. Subject: Visit of CEBRAP (Brazilian Center for Analysis and Planning) leaders to Cmt II EX. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/eee/82010170/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_eee_82010170_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1975a). National Information Service. Central Agency. Information No. 200/19/AC/75, May 21, 1975. Subject: 1st Brazilian Planning Congress – Brazilian Planning Institute – IBP. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/ggg/84010028/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_ggg_84010028_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1975b). National Information Service. Ministry of Justice. Subject: Data related to the bachelor Jesuan de Paula Xavier. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_n8/0/pro/pai/1597/br_dfanbsb_n8_0_pro_pai_1597_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1975c). National Intelligence Service. Ministry of Justice. Security and Intelligence Division. Report No. 579/75DSI/MJ, September 2, 1975. Subject: Book: Authoritarianism and Democratization, by Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_rjanrio_tt/0/mcp/pro/0448/br_rjanrio_tt_0_mcp_pro_0448_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1974a). National Intelligence Service. Sao Paulo Agency. Information No. 3814/02/ASP/SNI/74, November 11, 1974. Subject: Fernando Henrique Cardoso; Juarez Rubens Brandao Lopes. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/eee/81006191/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_eee_81006191_d0001de0002.pdf
BRAZIL (1974b). National Information Service. São Paulo Agency. Information No. 2831 /16/1974/ASP/SNI, August 20, 1974. Subject: Francisco de Oliveira and others. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/eee/81009739/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_eee_81009739_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1974c). National Intelligence Service. Ministry of the Army. Information No. 477/74-PSS, April 10, 1974. Subject: Leninist Tendency – National Liberation Alliance. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/eee/80004069/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_eee_80004069_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1974d). National Intelligence Service. Ministry of the Army. Information No. 681/SSA/DOI/74, October 21, 1974. Subject: CEBRAP – Brazilian Center for Analysis and Planning. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/eee/81005959/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_eee_81005959_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1974e). National Intelligence Service. Sao Paulo Agency. Information No. 3912/19/ASP/SNI/1974, November 22, 1974. Subject: Maria da Conceição de Almeida Tavares. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/eee/81006336/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_eee_81006336_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1973a). National Intelligence Service. Ministry of the Army. Information No. 1453/S-1032, December 10, 1973. Subject: “Leftist Intelligence”. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/aaa/73067376/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_aaa_73067376_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1973b). National Information Service. São Paulo Agency. Information No. 096307/73/ASP/SNI, March 29, 1973. Subject: Hiring of a professor for the Faculty of Philosophy, Sciences and Letters of USP: Maria Hermínia Brandão Tavares de Almeida. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/eee/82010816/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_eee_82010816_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1970a). National Information Service. São Paulo Agency. Report No. 199/SNI/ASP/70, April 22, 1970. Subject: Brazilian Research Center (CEBRAP). Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/aaa/70012684/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_aaa_70012684_d0001de0002.pdf
BRAZIL (1970b). National Intelligence Service. Ministry of the Army. Information No. 1837/70/S-103-CIE, July 22, 1970. Subject: Dr. Riordan Roett, Dr. Carlos Pelaez, Dr. Werner Baer. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/aaa/80008143/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_aaa_80008143_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1970c). National Information Service. United States of America. Department of State. Telegram. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_rjanrio_cnv/0/rce/00092000538201527/0443/br_rjanrio_cnv_0_rce_00092000538201527_0443_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1970d). Security and Information Division of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Title: Latin American Studies Association (LASA). Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_z4/dpn/eni/0137/br_dfanbsb_z4_dpn_eni_0137_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1969a). Ministry of the Army. April 17, 1969. Information Sheet of Florestan Fernandes. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/eee/81009038/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_eee_81009038_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1969b). National Intelligence Service. São Paulo Agency. Information No. 191/SNI/ASP/69, March 25, 1969. Subject: Greater São Paulo Executive Group (GEGRAN). Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/eee/81006386/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_eee_81006386_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1966a). Judiciary. Military Justice, 2nd Audit of the 2nd Military Region, São Paulo, Official Gazette No. 976/66, June 24, 1966. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_rjanrio_cnv/0/vdh/00092001498201379_v_06/0122/br_rjanrio_cnv_0_vdh_00092001498201379_v_06_0122_d0001de0001.pdf
BRAZIL (1966b). National Information Service. Ministry of Justice. Information No. 216/SNI/ARJ/SS17//23MAR65/66, March 31, 1966. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_rjanrio_tt/0/mcp/avu/0161/br_rjanrio_tt_0_mcp_avu_0161_d001.pdf
BRAZIL (1965a). Special Reserved Bulletin of the Second Army, No. 3. (Part I). Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/eee/81006328/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_eee_81006328_d0004de0007.pdf
BRAZIL (1965b). Special Reserved Bulletin of the Second Army, No. 3. (Part II). Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/eee/81006328/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_eee_81006328_d0005de0007.pdf
SÃO PAULO (1979a). Social Police Station. Title: Fernando Henrique Cardoso. State Department of Political and Social Order of the Civil Police of São Paulo. São Paulo: Archives of the State of São Paulo. Available at: https://www.arquivoestado.sp.gov.br/uploads/acervo/textual/deops/fichas/BR_SPAPESP_DEOPSSPOSFTEXSNC001307.pdf
SÃO PAULO (1979b). Social Police Station. Title: Fernando Henrique Cardoso. State Department of Political and Social Order of the Civil Police of São Paulo. São Paulo: Archives of the State of São Paulo. Available at: https://www.arquivoestado.sp.gov.br/uploads/acervo/textual/deops/fichas/BR_SPAPESP_DEOPSSPOSFTEXSNC001308.pdf
SÃO PAULO (1976). Social Police Station. Title: Civil society movements dossiers – CEBRAP. State Department of Political and Social Order of the Civil Police of São Paulo. São Paulo: Archives of the State of São Paulo. Available at: https://www.arquivoestado.sp.gov.br/uploads/acervo/textual/deops/prontuarios/BR_SPAPESP_DEOPSOS000043.pdf
SAO PAULO (1970a). Social Police Station. Title: Maria do Carmo Carvalho Campello. State Department of Political and Social Order of the Civil Police of São Paulo. São Paulo: Archives of the State of São Paulo. Available at: https://www.arquivoestado.sp.gov.br/uploads/acervo/textual/deops/fichas/BR_SPAPESP_DEOPSSPOSFTEXSNC000643.pdf
SAO PAULO (1970b). Social Police Station. Title Maria do Carmo Carvalho Campello. State Department of Political and Social Order of the Civil Police of São Paulo. São Paulo: Archives of the State of São Paulo. Available at: https://www.arquivoestado.sp.gov.br/uploads/acervo/textual/deops/fichas/BR_SPAPESP_DEOPSSPOSFICONSM000932.pdf
Documentaries and testimonies in video and audio.
GOV CHANNEL (2011). Dilma sanctions law that grants access to public information and creates the truth commission. Brasília: Secretariat of Social Communication, Brazilian Communications Company (EBC). Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1FvzHNjja0U
BRAZIL (2014b). National Truth Commission. Testimony of Fernando Henrique Cardoso to José Carlos Dias, Luiz Francisco Carvalho and Paulo Sérgio Pinheiro; edited by Thiago Dutra Vilela, November 26, 2014. Brasília: CNV. Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DpTTl9wIQeY
SPEECH by Luís Antônio da Gama Silva, Minister of Justice, reading and justifying AI-5 on national television, December 13, 1968. Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sX1MiXME1Ts
TOWER OF THE MAIDENS (2018). Directed by Susanna Lira. Rio de Janeiro: Modo Operante Productions.
THE IMPROBABLE PRESIDENT (2022). Directed by Belisario Franca. Rio de Janeiro: Bretz Filmes. Available at: https://globoplay.globo.com/v/10535004/?s=0s
GROUP PORTRAIT (2009a). Part 3. Directed by Henri Gervaiseau. São Paulo: Cosac Naify; Sesc SP. Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4_mrxRhgFmc
GROUP PORTRAIT (2009b). Part 4. Directed by Henri Gervaiseau. São Paulo: Cosac Naify; Sesc SP. Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f_jnSYBHCTY
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THE CAMPAIGN that united Lula and Fernando Henrique, during the dictatorship (2022), O Globo – Blog of Collection, October 5, 2022. Available at: https://oglobo.globo.com/blogs/blog-do-acervo/post/2022/10/a-campanha-que-uniu-lula-e-fernando-henrique-cardoso-na-ditadura.ghtml
ALVES, Moreira (1964). Crime of opinion, Correio da Manhã, June 24, 1964, p. 6. Available at: https://memoria.bn.gov.br/DocReader/DocReader.aspx?bib=089842_07&pagfis=52719
BAPTISTA, Katia (2009). CEBRAP as a reference center for social sciences in the 70s. (PhD in Sociology). Faculty of Sciences and Letters of the São Paulo State University (UNESP), Araraquara. Available at: https://repositorio.unesp.br/items/96fa0c49-a4c2-4de4-b30c-e48f6383f743
BARCELOS, Ana (2019). Rafael Altamira and Fidelino de Figueiredo: intellectuals, exile and recognition in the early XNUMXth century, Intellectus, v. 18, no. 2, p. 42-65. Available in: https://www.e-publicacoes.uerj.br/intellectus/article/view/45086
BEAL, Marco (2016). Interview with Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Politics & Society – Journal of Political Sociology,, v. 15, no. 34, p. 232-256. Available in: https://periodicos.ufsc.br/index.php/politica/article/view/2175-7984.2016v15n34p232
CARDOSO, Fernando (2021). Tribute to a friend, Folha de S. Paul, May 9, 2021, Ilustríssima, p. c10. Available at: https://acervo.folha.com.br/digital/leitor.do?numero=49522&anchor=6433992&origem=busca&originURL=&maxTouch=0&pd=e4044a887bce7636e2094c2611c7f986
CARDOSO, Fernando (2019). The convent of the persecuted (statement to Walter Porto), Folha de S. Paul, May 12, 2019, Ilustríssima – Cebrap 50, p. 4-5. Available at: https://acervo.folha.com.br/digital/leitor.do?numero=48738&anchor=6119001&origem=busca&originURL=&maxTouch=0&pd=cf3b9e87e8031021fc159b06599120d8.
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CARDOSO, Fernando (1974). The MDB in the political-electoral context: the programmatic lines. In. BRAZIL, National Information Service. Ministry of the Army. Information nº1569/S-102-A9-CIE, October 10, 1974. Subject: Fernando Henrique Cardoso, p. 3-16. Rio de Janeiro: National Archives. Available at: http://imagem.sian.an.gov.br/acervo/derivadas/br_dfanbsb_v8/mic/gnc/aaa/74077891/br_dfanbsb_v8_mic_gnc_aaa_74077891_d0001de0001.pdf
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LETTER by Florestan Fernandes (2006). Perseus Abramo Foundation. Available in: https://fpabramo.org.br/2006/04/15/carta-de-florestan-fernandes/
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COSTA e Silva retires another 44 civil servants based on AI-5 (1969), Newspapers in Brazil, April 26, 1969, p. 3. Available at: https://memoria.bn.gov.br/DocReader/docreader.aspx?bib=030015_08&pasta=ano%20196&pesq=&pagfis=132917
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DOPS hunts teachers in S. Paulo (1965), Correio da Manhã, September 8, 1965, p. 10. Available at: https://memoria.bn.gov.br/DocReader/docreader.aspx?bib=089842_07&pasta=ano%20196&pesq=&pagfis=66276
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Notes
[I] It is necessary to advance studies on informants during the Brazilian military dictatorship, as was done in research on dictatorships in other countries. In her research on the archives of the repression of the dictatorship in Portugal, Irene Pimentel (2024) lists some motivations of those who acted as informants, informers or “snitches”: monthly remuneration; payments for services and political favors, known by the Portuguese as “cunha”. Pimentel highlights the importance of the informant being an infiltrator, that is, someone with free movement among the people being monitored.
[ii] Other people were also warned about the possibility of being arrested after the coup. A statement by actor Renato Borghi confirms this: “Zé Celso, Fernando Peixoto and I had to flee at the height of the success of Pequenos Burgueses. A phone call saved us. We would have been arrested the day after the coup because the play was ending the Internationale” (SEIXAS, 2008, p. 107).
[iii] I would like to thank Heloisa Fernandes and Beatriz Fernandes, Florestan's daughters, for the information about the period in which their family lived on the same street as the family of FHC and Ruth Cardoso.
[iv] These ECLAC researchers have all had experiences of exile. Nuno Figueiredo’s father, the writer and professor of Portuguese literature at USP Fidelino de Figueiredo, whom FHC met when he was still a teenager, was an exile from the Salazar dictatorship (BARCELOS, 2019). Exiled from the Spanish Civil War, the sociologist José Medina Echavarría became a researcher and director of ECLAC. In a tribute to Echavarría, the economist Enrique Valentín Iglesias recalled one of his phrases about exile: “the homeland is not where one is born, but where one has friends” (EL SECRETARIO, 2013, p. 14).
[v] In a letter, FHC comments on this episode: “I was enthusiastic about your attitude: after all, with the exception of the letter I sent to the Congregation and which had no effect because it was neither read nor published, it was the only protest from the Faculty capable of provoking in us the desire to continue to believe that not everything is lost in the 'petty-bourgeois' world of professors, as you described it” (LETTER, 1964, cited by DUWE, 2022).
[vi] The SNI reports on FHC inform that this request for preventive detention occurred after the IPM of the Faculty of Philosophy was attached to the IPM of the Prestes notebooks (BRASIL, 1966a; BRASIL, 1974a).
[vii] Based on a complaint from a dictatorship informant, made in December 1968, one of the SNI reports states that Elza Berquó and Paul Singer were active communists linked to the Chinese line: “Professor Olavo Baptista Filho, from the Faculty of Sociology and Politics (FESPSP) and Director of the State Statistics Department, came to the Agency to make this complaint and express his concerns, as he considers Professor Paul Singer's position as an advisor to GEGRAN to be very dangerous” (BRASIL, 1969b, p. 7).
[viii] A report by the Secretariat of State and Foreign Affairs deals with the demonstrations by members of the Latin American Studies Association – LASA in repudiation of human rights violations in Brazil (BRASIL, 1970d). The letter “A Protest to the Brazilian Government”, dated February 23, 1970, was signed by several North American researchers.
[ix] Many activists passed through the Tiradentes wing known as Torre das Donzelas or Torre das Guerreiras, as Professor Ana Estevão (2022) prefers to call it. Carmute was imprisoned in the Tower in 1970.
[X] In this text, originally published in 1995, Marcelo Paiva criticizes the governments of José Sarney, Itamar Franco and FHC for not having solved the murder of Rubens Paiva and other people who disappeared during the dictatorship.
[xi] The first paragraph of the program expresses this stance: “the very fact that a group of intellectuals are disconnected from party practices, and, even more so, do not currently have and do not intend to have any future MDB militancy, indicates that there is a concrete problem maturing in Brazil: the need for the nascent opposition to define its objectives and organizational forms” (BRASIL, 1976a, p. 43).
[xii] Until Allende's fall, several researchers passed through CESO, including: Theotônio dos Santos, Vânia Bambirra, Ruy Mauro Marini, Emir Sader, Eder Sader, Marco Aurélio Garcia, André Gunder Frank and Régis Debray (MARTINS, 2011).
[xiii] The Latin American dilemma between socialism or fascism evokes the name of the French socialist group that emerged in the post-war period: socialisme ou barbarie. This group was inspired, in turn, by a text by Rosa Luxemburg (2021) on this issue.
[xiv] According to the astute analysis of sociologist Paulo Silveira, in the book Bourgeois revolution in Brazil, Florestan understands dependence on central capitalist countries as part of the structure of peripheral countries: “The external is not thought of as an 'enclave' that can be extirpated like a cyst, for example, through nationalist political measures. On the contrary, as a component of the internal structure itself, it can only be suppressed with the suppression of this structure itself” (1975, p. 203). In these terms, as does the Marxist theory of dependency, Florestan seems to defend the need to suppress the capitalist system.
A friend of Chilean sociologist Eduardo Hamuy, who coordinated CESO, Florestan influenced the hiring of Theotônio dos Santos by the research center in 1966 (MOLINA, 2013). Tried in absentia by the military court, Theotônio dos Santos was sentenced to 14 years in prison (BRASIL, 1966b). Other CESO researchers, such as André Gunder Frank, were also friends and interlocutors of Florestan.
As FHC states, some themes and issues discussed after the dictatorship were not part of his previous literature, nor of the literature of other Brazilian authors (RETRATO, 2009b). It is therefore natural that FHC's theoretical distancing in relation to Florestan's positions had not occurred before. In any case, this did not alter the friendship, respect and admiration that they had for each other.
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