Armed Forces – Degradation and Redemption

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By TARSUS GENUS*

What remains, currently, for the Brazilian Armed Forces, is to sink in the Bolsonarist coup or adjust to the democratic project of the 1988 Charter

The unprecedented degradation of the prestige of the Armed Forces in Brazil occurs precisely from the moment in which the presumed representative of a part of the barracks – of the extreme military right also present as parliamentary representation – comes to power through elections. It goes without saying that this event is not outside the ascending curve of extreme right-wing ideologies – fascists and Nazis – across the planet, with special evidence on the European continent. Bolsonaros swarm on the stage of the Enlightenment heritage.

There, in the original cradle of the French Revolution, social democracy aimed its batteries against the medieval era and also established – in the European civilizing imaginary – the Rule of Law formally guaranteeing Human Rights and the most organized political democracy of the modern era. But there, on the continent of the Revolution, the racist, misogynistic, nationalist and conservative extreme right also thrives, in all its pores, courted by businessmen from all over the world, to be mobilized against the Social State, in defense of the entrepreneurship of “self”. themselves”.

The European democratic process took place under the impulses of the French Revolution in countries that maintained – even after the Second World War – their colonial domains and that added the resources from this system of “civilizing” exploitation to their “cash” and to the state’s cash. State. The construction of architectural marvels, of modern and comprehensive public infrastructure, of broad national cohesion policies, including those of a social democratic nature, has this trace of the colonial and neocolonial legacy.

The prestige of the Armed Forces in most of these countries has its memory anchored in the post-war reconstruction and in its coexistence with political democracy, only possible with the defeat of Nazism. The quick post-war recovery, after the victory against Nazi Germany, was guaranteed by the military and economic power of the USA and England, added to the power of the Red Army. Their 27 million deaths in the USSR colored the defense of the Nation with heroism and patriotic sacrifice, a theme also dear to the tradition of the French Revolution.

Without the Soviet Union and the disposition of western democracies, Bolsonaros of all kinds would have assumed power in the world from the 50s onwards. The prestige of our Armed Forces, in the common sense of Brazilians, however, was established in a different way , as it occurred both by partial acceptance of the FFAA, of the complex democratic process established after the Old Republic, and by the defense of the formation of our modern national State. To these two elements was added political, civil-military intervention, to “defend the country from communism”, an argument that the majority of the civilian population accepted after the 1964 coup.

Evidently, this was a deception by the US State Department, which propagated the supposed truth of the “red peril” on the world stage, in order to prevent threats to imperial domination in South America. The USA considered Latin America, by mythical destiny, a territory to be “protected” by the North Americans, for their economic enjoyment, foreseen in the doctrine of President James Monroe (1823), adopted by all American presidents as a State doctrine.

The global picture has changed the practices of dominance of the great capitalist countries, as today all are subject to the pragmatic internationalism of financial capital, which has altered their concepts – previously uniform – of external danger. The changes altered the nature of the conflicts and the “patriotic” actions of the countries of the mature capitalism, started to be dictated by the diffuse addresses – of the streets of the world market – whose object was no longer the defense of the internal sovereignty or the fight against the advances of the "communism".

In this new stage, the issue of national affirmation becomes the destruction of “external enemies”, internal to capitalism itself, to trim the differences between the shareholders of global oligopolies, at the time of international coexistence in the “post-communist” world, whose expression surviving is no less pragmatic than the verve of universal capitalism, whose moderating pole is People's China. But it also seeks markets, not the revolutionary subversion of yesteryear.

Brazil was considered an important “pawn” in the geopolitical chessboard of the South of the continent at the time of the Cold War, when the unspeakable violence committed by the military regime, in the basements of the exception, would be a sacrifice of the precariousness of the Rule of Law, destined to “guarantee social peace against communism”. This mission and the mission to defend the national territory then sheltered, at the time, a political heritage erected, on the one hand, by the importance of the Armed Forces in the formation of our Modern National State and, on the other, by their responsibility with the defense of our territorial integrity, determined in the Constitution. The justifying ideology – at the time of the Cold War – was cemented in the visceral anti-communism of most of its senior cadres.

The defense of the country, of its territorial integrity, involves other technological, cultural, communicational and educational – environmental and informational – conditions that go far beyond the military defense of the State's territory, by troops and war material, as occurred in the last century. The “communist aggression”, in a world integrated by the market and the private financial system, is a sectarian bluff of the extreme right. With this, it intends to accomplice the military establishment with a perverse president (as a politician) and a failure (as a military man) in addition to being profoundly ignorant of his functions as a State.

Any President elected within a democracy has the obligation to dialogue with the military leaders he chooses to, within the Constitution, format a new pact of principles, aiming to fill the void that formed around the very existence of the Armed Forces, in a world where the Cold War no longer polarizes the world, as before, and in which the defense of territory and national sovereignty is already miles away from historical anti-communism, which only threatens the sleep of dinosaurs from the distant era of the bipartite world.

What remains, currently, for the Brazilian Armed Forces, is to sink into the Bolsonarist coup, which will be of short and violent duration, or to adjust to the democratic project of the 1988 Charter, leaving the chute of neurotic anticommunism with no communism in sight. And when leaving, as stated in the Major Law, support the country in the world of cooperation with sovereignty and protect the people, protecting democracy and the Republic. As the law dictates.

*Tarsus in law he was governor of the state of Rio Grande do Sul, mayor of Porto Alegre, Minister of Justice, Minister of Education and Minister of Institutional Relations in Brazil. Author, among other books, of possible utopia (arts & crafts).

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