shared hegemony

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By TARSO GENRO*

The “bottom-up” emergence of a plural left with new leaderships overcoming the tight boundaries of party bureaucracies

If the traditional media used the same criteria it used to try to exterminate the PT, condemn Lula and promote the deposition of President Dilma, to report the death of the black man murdered inside Carrefour in Porto Alegre, its report would be different. I would say, in the first place, that the murder of João Alberto did not start on that tragic Thursday, that the directors of Carrefour had “mastery of the fact”, that the climate of hatred and the strengthening of racism in the country have authors well known: they make “arminhas”, measure children of former slaves in “arrobas”, think that progress is setting fire to forests and treat indigenous peoples like Coca-Cola merchants, who deliver the biodiversity of the Amazon at a low price.

It is when the media, sustained by the tentacles of the market, needs to manipulate its own concepts so as not to clash with its “subscribers”, transforming into a “singular” fact what is already a universal symptom of a society sickened by fascism: if the murder of young blacks “stopped” being an isolated fact (which it never was, in fact) in our country, but became a political fact, this needs to be told in half, so as not to offend the real holders of power. The historical climate, then, is disconnected from the murder and it appears only as an “excess”, not as a political disease that evidences fascism.

The destructive anxiety of most of the traditional media, with its “experts” – internal and external –, once again announcing the decay of the PT, will once again fail. Regardless of the final results this Sunday, what is already evident is the failure of Bolsonarism (as a democratic electoral option), the weakening of the religions of money, the stability of the PT – as a leftist party capable of making alliances – and the emergence, in certain political spaces, of a left-wing democratic and social frenism.

This neo-frentism brings the strengthening of progressive leaders – from the left and the center-left –, despite their dissent in other regions, which could expand in the struggles that will become radicalized against fascism and ultraliberalism. If both – fascism and ultraliberalism – were inscribed in the group of Horsemen of the Apocalypse, I would not be reluctant to point them out as signs of two of these emissaries of hell: death and plague.

Violent death is fascism's strongest attraction, for sick minds and bodies desperate for misery; the plague, which comes from hunger and the virus, is the word that reveals the liberal State, absent to assist the weakest, at a time when capitalism expresses all its necrophiliac vocation and chooses to lead – in the crisis of its crises – types like Trump, Mussolini, Hitler and Bolsonaro.

The municipal elections, still informed by the “political extinction” campaign, treated with care and affection by the traditional media, with most of its journalists, however, show that there are possible paths. And these are already represented in people and parties, fractions of parties, organic and spontaneous movements, which come “from the bottom up”, to guide the new political unit for the future.

It already changes – at this moment – ​​the meaning of popular leaders like Lula, Boulos, Ciro, Haddad, Manoela, Dino, Freixo, Requião and Marina, originating from a vast field of political representation, which needs to unite to save Brazil. All have already been united – spontaneously or not – in one of the most spectacular political upheavals after the Coup, led by the candidacy of Guilherme Boulos in São Paulo, who went to the second round in a State watched over by the more cavalier right, always guided by the windows of FIESP, in the “elegant” Avenida Paulista.

In the elections in Rio, the worst leadership of money evangelism dies and, in Porto Alegre, the left rises – again – to the second round, with brilliance; in Recife a star emerges, in Fortaleza the difficult unit emerges as a possible unit against the extreme right, with the PT having a great influence on “all of this”. And the “all that” is, without a doubt, the electoral defeat imposed on this primary and fascist government, which the traditional media helped to elect and still haven't given up on saving it.

Data collected by political scientist Jairo Nicolau in the country's thirty-eight largest cities with more than 500 inhabitants indicate which was the most voted party for the Chambers of Councillors, in those communities. Was it the PMDB, the DEM, the “Republicans”? No! It was PT. It wasn't the worm-eaten “Novo” or the PTB. Which - in itself demonstrates that, if the Workers' Party is no longer in its electoral "golden age" (which will no longer occur in the situation of a shared hegemony within the left), the PT has become stronger in the cities politically most influential in the country.

For those who want the growth of the left as a group and also seek the expansion of a democratic pole against Bolsonarist fascism — nicknamed “right-wing communism” by the always original General Santos Cruz —, these elections were stimulating and innovative. Stimulating, due to the possibility of the emergence of a plural left, which reveals itself to be induced mainly from the “bottom up”; and they were innovative because they show the emergence of new leaders, who overcame the borders tightened by the bureaucracies of their own parties and expanded their electoral potential, far beyond their original acronyms.

I have seen, however, some demonstrations by leading newspapers, such as the Newspaper, which highlighted the need to eliminate Bolsonarism and the left, to defend a “democratic center”, and right-wing/extreme-right journalists – always predominant in the traditional media –, who are starting to play a new game, similar to the mystification that elected Bolsonaro in the name of combating the “two extremes”, which would be, at the time, Haddad and Bolsonaro.

We have to watch them carefully, as they play a game that tries to oppose, on the one hand, the social and party left, to a false and new “center” that, by getting rid of the most perverse symbols of proto-fascist Bolsonarism, could guarantee the ultra-radical reforms of the economic right, now held back by the political rusticity of the “guide” they elected in 2018.

For this strategy to work, however, they need to convince the people that the new and traditional right are this “new center” (Huck, Rodrigo Maia, Eduardo Leite, Dória) and that Bolsonaro did not “work out” due to his “temperament”. ” uncontrollable, not the irrational and coup-mongering hatred that he always exuded from all his pores, against everything that is democratic and libertarian. The creature, however, can now rebel against its creators because, on the one hand, they are already concerned about Brazil's poor prestige abroad, which could harm their business and, on the other, because Bolsonaro already promises to be an electoral failure. in the presidential elections.

Next, the ultra-liberal coup bloc needs to reaffirm the strategy it developed in the Coup, “that it would be enough to remove the PT for Brazil to work”, replacing it with a more sophisticated one: “the reforms that will save Brazil can only be carried out by the center ”, which, in fact, is the old right wing that staged the Coup and lacks the strength to administer it, united with the old Centrão — “always at your service”!

And so, the 10 million jobs promised by the labor reform will disappear in the colorful horizon of the medieval commentators, who helped to forge the “difficult choice” (Where are they?). This farce, sometimes presents itself as a simple repeated lie, others as a depoliticization of History.

When the omissions of historical time occur to cover up deaths like that of João Alberto, power already needs permanent lies to survive. And permanent lies are not only the essence of fascism, but also the characterization of its accomplices, inside and outside the State.

*Tarsus-in-law he was Governor of the State of Rio Grande do Sul, Mayor of Porto Alegre, Minister of Justice, Minister of Education and Minister of Institutional Relations in Brazil.

 

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