freedom, freedom

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After exhausting all legalities in the face of electoral rape incited by Donald Trump, he sent his followers to their deaths in Washington

The West has received in its veins strong doses of a type of freedom that does not include the other. In fact, understood as a problem in its relation to equality – despite the contiguity in the use of terms – the line of thought and practice that took place in the XNUMXth century under the name of Liberalism, puts aside the meaning of one of the pillars of the revolution, the fraternity, which comes to be in force in the attics where groups, people and organizations still believed in encounters with the other as indispensable for the knowledge of oneself and its exercise of being sapiens e faber in the world. With its aura lost, universal fraternity became an alternative. Some religious sources and alternative modes of organization were important in the partial and limited validity of this value that unites people.

The strong injections of freedom in the style of liberalism, despite having numerous representatives in its historical project and having redefined the economy in a much worse way when compared to its initial scientific disposition, finds its aura of interests in the educational system and political attitudes of herd.

As for the second item, the public outbursts we have seen not only put their knees on the neck of the old and upgradeable democracy, but perform a superior function, that is, they demonstrate that civilization does not matter. Civilization here has support from civilization e civita. The image of repeated movements of thousands of people, under a pandemic still unknown in its contagion dynamics, jumping and screaming in the streets, halls and squares, drinking, interacting, exacerbating in low linguistic slang and with the mask in their pockets or in a drawer, it does not suggest a simple revolt against the right to come and go, or the longing for friends and habits from 2019 behind; Indeed, such images do not have Outrosbut I moved by people already hardened in the ego. And when this disposition finds emulators, inciters of the same nature as the disposition of the self, such as Trump and Bolsonaro, considered here as characters who represent the horror of the other, the other, the civilizing negation takes place as a death compulsion.

Such names mentioned here are people plural, named for the massive role that their gears of communicational power suggest. Despite the cynical america first, the only truth that survives today in the counting of votes and in the attack against the election that has just ended is that of the I Trumpist, that did not go crazy or simulate, but both forced in favor of the death of the rights of the majority and forced the demoralizing disposition of the health area and its attempt to save lives. Trump is death on horseback, whether of the civic or of the slaughtered body. Worse than that, all of Trump's actions still make him accumulate points with his ranks and determine him, at least in this historic moment, as leader. This new type of leader has nothing to do with that of organizational culture studies. The compulsions of evil and death raise prizes, at least while populations impoverished in economics and ethics, still await saving moves from the inverted and sordid chess that engulfs everyday life.

After exhausting all legalities in the face of electoral rape provoked by Trump, he sent his followers to death on the afternoon of the 6th in Washington. If the deaths did not occur beyond four, as desired by the powerful in decline, it was due to an agreement between the legislature and the Police. It is. Note, he acted differently from the days when he obeyed Trump's own orders hunting black citizens and claimers of basic rights. As for Bolsonaro, it is necessary to consider, however, that the Brazilian representative is a person which simulates itself as a pale copy of the horrors of the world and which, in this direction, is demoralized and humiliated every day, no longer in any condition to manage a single inch of the nation of 8 million square kilometers. However, think about how much work it will take in his defeat (if he becomes president until 2022). In his borderline head – legality and crime – he will think that Trump only lacked the support of armed forces in the assault on the Capitol. And here, will it be missing?

Jean Baudrillard's images and discoveries not only became sharper but also transformed. Consumerist mechanisms and simulations of the virtualized society no longer explain the compulsions that exacerbate hatred and the geometric count of death. Even if everything that is happening also means the death of liberalism and its tutor, capitalism, the screams, the violence, the imposition of I and the denial of others reveal a new strain of rationality, much worse than virtualized simulations, as they carry discursive elaborations, consider traditions, cite legal passages and, between outbursts, impose their many I over any other speech. The contemporary myth, as understood by Roland Barthes, is perfect for understanding what happens in our civilizing moment, because in his texts he finds real people, real symbols, real objects and real leaders being stolen and vilified in their potential, which leads to people and even institutions to fall from their subject condition, relegated to an abject and instrumental condition.

Therefore, it is not convenient to make fun of or disregard the new compulsions, as well as to ridicule them. No discursive equivalence, encouragement for the sacrifice of innocents. What is up to the cultivators of the idea of ​​democracy as a phenomenon not open to compulsiveness but to encounters, is to analyze more and better the complexity of the plots and vines that involve the forms of organization of society and the principles of democracy of a future already at the limit of the balanced thinking. Continuous act, working with the younger generations, preferably, to renew the inducing intelligences of a society capable of re-signifying democracy, since the secular efforts for western democracy remain bloodless, which may require re-signification. The senses of democracy faded, precisely in the dual and irreversible confrontations set up in the heart of public life, which means representation houses, palaces, tribunes, street corners, taverns and families. Equally borderline places between thought and compulsion.

As proposed, education would be the place both for research and study of resignifications and new inductions at the service of the desired democracy and for the qualitative and quantitative growth of critical masses that would understand the ways of being of compulsions, their presence in political life and in the meanders of small groups in society. Such an achievement would shed light on the public debate and perhaps its assumption to new levels of social communication. Another communication will be the mobile of civilization in motion.

In vain, precisely at school, the various liberal political nuances created two foci of compulsion, very much in line with their mode of dominance over superstructure values: now education without any authority, disguised as a “focus on the student”, now the pendular pedagogical action , which reinforces the superior authority of institutional bureaucracies and places the teaching profession as a supposed foreman, tasked with decimating the libertine intent of students. Both projects serve the liberal desideratum very well. The important thing is that the study curricula are proposed from above, without guidelines, without clear strategies, without evaluations in the light of the place and region in which the school operates.

The school, therefore, is also lost in the limit between thought and compulsion, revealed in full by the means of social communication. The school became a place of death, despite the affection and care of many educators, because above them the plot was woven by bureaucratic authoritarianism, which would provoke anger even in Max Weber.

What would be dignified and sublime in the school, understood as a community, is that it, first of all, make an agreement (never a pact!) with its surroundings, its place and establish there a pillar of democracy, the educating community, in which no one would be left out, nobody. Students, professionals, families, stakeholders, collaborators would become the educational heart of the school institution. It was there that the major aspects of the educational action would be developed, that is, the writing of the PPP, the organization of the integral curriculum (BNCC and Diversified Dimensions of local and regional knowledge) and the consequent strictly democratic regiment.

In this institutional arrangement, there would be no place for any discriminatory focus of attention and care or for bureaucratic morbidity. A new totality that cares for and educates itself would be born.

Perhaps the new educational framework would signal the real country through healthy cells, reflectors of the nation's body. In a crescent, such educating communities would create connections with the totality of municipal and regional life, notably the horizons of work, civic organisms, cultural movements (education is the systematization of cultural action), the tripartite powers of the state, the most wide range of youth activities and all ecological actions. This educational community is interviewed in the National Curricular Guidelines of the National Education Council (CNE, 1997-2016).

If the borderline horror of Bolsonaro and his “troupe” has a sequel, none of this will happen. If so, it will be the beginning of a revolution and the end of the death of bodies and symbols of the democratic field.

The last point of this reflection.

Speeches such as “Bolsonaro Out” (like similar ones) are not very productive, which are only justified by the right to individual emotion, which also sometimes descends into profanity. To the ears of this type of government and power on duty, such speech is a sweet liquor, swallowed by the way it also expresses itself. There are equivalences. In the same way, without exception, party behavior in Brazil is bestial, which, deliberately, rationally, places itself much more in favor of the establishment than the change of habits and the end of evil. Our parties are driven by obvious death compulsions, disguised as party survival and sweetened by perfect discursive elaborations. However, they never survive in the wake of their famous assertions. They are meanings belied by their meanings. Vital learning -or that overcoming awareness of reproductions so present in Agnes Heller and Paulo Freire - despite being so demanded at school, is nothing more than a lying discourse in party camps.

A new discursive agreement is needed. No pacts, wonderful in Rosa's narratives, but which are enough there and in other literary beauties of the world. The discursive agreement will be a sign and instituting of the new political thought that, by moving away from the risks of compulsive rationality, will find sowing ways to sink the corrupted tyranny that plagues the country and provide healthy harvest, right of the people.

*Luiz Roberto Alves is a senior professor at the School of Communications and Arts at USP.


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