Lula and the “military family”

Alison Wilding OBE, Untitled, 1990


The military help massify lies and move the streets in defense of the candidate of the ranks

The “military family”, an important electoral actor still lacking sociological treatment, weighed in the last presidential election helping to massify lies and move the streets in defense of the candidate of the ranks. Faced with the serious deterioration of the corporations' image that followed, it was to be expected that their militant ardor would attenuate. Behold, on social networks, videos appear produced to stir up his hatred against Lula.

One of these videos brings together phrases taken out of context by the former president as indisputable proof of his aggressive stance towards the Armed Forces. In the crude and silly montage, but effective in view of its purpose, Lula appears aggressively talking about the administrative incompetence of officials. She promises to fire the military and confuses corporations with militia groups. The idea sold is that it disrespects the ranks.

Nothing more false. Throughout his political activities, the former president showed absolute confidence in institutions, with emphasis on the State's instruments of force. Persecuted arbitrarily and unjustly, he answered the voice of arrest. He patiently waited from Job for a reasonable word from Justice.

When he governed, Lula accepted the demands of corporate commands without further questioning. He avoided forming, within the scope of the Ministry of Defense, a specialized civilian corps that would reduce the officers' monopoly on knowledge of Defense matters and military affairs. The small contingent of academic researchers dedicated to these themes was left without the proper stimulus.

The officials continued to pontificate, even in the face of their resounding failure to endow the country with a dissuasive capacity compatible with its size and with the pretense of haughtiness in foreign policy. Lula trusted the generals as much as he could.

The confidence was such that it bordered on naivety, not to mention irresponsibility. The merits of costly strategic projects were not discussed in depth, as was the dependence of Brazilian Defense on the US military-industrial complex. The recruitment system, the norms for hierarchical promotion, the size and spatial distribution of troops, the wasteful nature of military organizations, the caste spirit of their members... none of this was the subject of broad and in-depth debate.

At the dawn of the 1945st century, corporations suffered few changes in relation to the modernization they experienced between the two world wars. The PT did not realize that the ability of commanders to think about national defense was diminished when the Brazilian State accepted a subordinate international insertion based on the redefinition of the world order, which occurred with the defeat of Nazi-Fascism in 21. intellectual degradation promoted by fierce ideological repression during XNUMX years of dictatorship.

What to expect from men who regard social reformers as enemies of the fatherland?

Assuming a minimally professional and respectful posture towards Brazilian society, commanders should recognize their responsibility for the fact that the country does not have an autonomous and adequate dissuasive capacity. The generals operated in favor of dependence on the United States, the great suppliers of arms and equipment to Western armies.

Lula endeavored not to create friction with the Armed Forces. Dilma Rousseff, with the Truth Commission Report, upset commanders, but allowed them to continue dictating the cards in matters in which life had failed them.

Today, when the world is falling apart, Chenua Achebe would say; when hypersonic missiles equipped with nuclear warheads are ready to destroy life on the planet, Brazil's Minister of Defense wants to count votes! His comrades, very busy fighting the social changes we need, form “rambos” in the Amazon and distribute videos to incite the hatred of the “military family” against Lula.

A general even complained, in an interview with the channel CNN, that the former president would be “attacking” the military! Man only saw beauty on the most degrading September 7th in our history. The journalist asked him if the Armed Forces “managed to escape the clear attempt by the President of the Republic to transform them into an instrument of his political-electoral tactics”. The fearless responded, even denying a childhood friend, General Villas-Bôas and the President of the Republic himself: “The Armed Forces, as an institution, were never linked to the candidacy”.

This group needs to be respected. We spend too much money forming and maintaining ranks that are useless to defend ourselves. The grotesque electoral militancy of the “military family”, driven insane by the prospect of Lula's victory, is his faithful political portrait.

* Manuel Domingos Neto is a retired UFC/UFF professor, former president of the Brazilian Defense Studies Association (ABED) and former vice president of CNPq.

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