By JOSE CORREIA LEITE & RENATO JARDIM MOREIRA*

At the moment when black people began to become aware of their social situation, a black man, Antônio Carlos, appeared with the idea of ​​creating a library exclusively for black people.

In order to understand the history of black movements, it is necessary to start in the first quarter of the century, considering two forces that, for many years, managed to suppress, or rather, prevented the creation of conditions for black people to become aware of the situation in which they found themselves.[1]

One comes from the fact that: “many black families remained attached to their former masters, often seeking advice from them when they needed to make decisions. Attempts to organize themselves into a movement were fruitless because the masters said that this was nonsense, that in this land everyone is equal.”

The other originates from the relations between Italians and blacks: “The Italians said, at the time, that it was the king of Italy who had carried out the abolition. They treated blacks well in order to obtain cheap employees. They baptized the children of blacks. In Bixiga there were blacks who spoke Italian well, played cards with them, etc. In a word, blacks became Italianized.”

“While this was happening here, in the United States black people could not walk on the sidewalk and suffered countless other restrictions that led them to react and organize.”

It was only after the Great War, with the surge in industrialization, that: “the most conscious blacks observed the emergence of the immigrant petite bourgeoisie producing a transformation in the ruling classes, as the immigrants began to replace a supposed rural aristocracy, without initiatives in industry and commerce, which were in the hands of Italians and Turks”.

These transformations in the social structure correspond to a series of other successes that influenced the awareness of black people of their “specific problems”: “After the war of 14-18, the business of ‘isms’ (socialism, communism) began to effervescent. I attended UTC meetings, where the black revolt was mixed with the demands of the proletariat.[2] In our conversation circles, blacks and whites involved in Marxist theories appeared. They said that the true position of the black man was to fight against the social order, since the culprit of the situation was the exploitation of the capitalist regime. They spoke of a famous Mexican painter who had done a mural in which Lenin appeared between two workers: a white and a black one with their hands intertwined, with Lenin's hands on them (it should be on their shoulders, embracing them).[3]

The Scottsboro case also had a strong impact on black people, because at that time the communists worked hard among black people to demonstrate that they had taken up the defense, through their Red Aid, of those seven black people accused by white women of having raped them. It was proven that these women were prostitutes.”[4]

“In 1920, news appeared about the first successes of black people in music. It was said here that the first ragtimes were 'a black thing'.”

“From 1922 to 1927, the modernist movement contributed to the creation of a consciousness that would enable the organization of a black movement to meet their specific demands, with blacks providing themes for poetry and painting. It was a kind of rehabilitation of the black for the black itself, by the white.”

“At that time, Garvey's ideas of founding a black empire in Africa became known, and millions of dollars were raised to implement them.” [5]

“We heard about black movements in the United States, with protest parades against restrictions on black people.”

“In 1924, there was already a formed awareness of black idealism. In Campinas, where black people were confined more, this awareness appeared first. There was a good newspaper there (The Getulino) of combat and struggle. From the 24th to the 26th, Benedito Florêncio, Gervásio de Moraes and Lino Guedes moved to São Paulo and became the main speakers at all civic celebrations for black people.”

“The revolt caused by black henchmen of politicians, sycophants, began to be felt, and the need to form a conscious group to fight against those who had a feeling of inferiority.”

“The newspaper explains this situation well Dawn Bugle, which Jayme de Aguiar had the idea of ​​founding, doing so in the company of José Correia Leite. Appearing in January 1924, with purely literary pretensions, it became a doctrinal and struggle newspaper a year later, due to the collaboration it received. The orientation that was given to the newspaper, at the beginning, was to get closer to the white people and to recover the black people, in addition to the constant idea of ​​the need for class unity (of men of color, because the term was only accepted later).” (…).

“Since 1915, black organizations had been founded that ended up becoming distorted and turned into dances. It is a fact that the aims of these societies were not to unite the race, but rather to be cultural and charitable. Thus, between 1918 and 1924, the Sociedade Beneficente 13 de Maio, the Grêmio Dramático e Recreativo Kosmos and others were founded. An exception at this time was Kosmos, which carried out its own educational program: it had a drama group and a newspaper that published social news and literary essays.”

“Alongside these serious intentions, blacks continued to be henchmen and, when not, to make pilgrimages to political offices. Two organizations date from this period: the Federation of Men of Color and the Friends of the Homeland Charitable Society. The Federation was founded by members of the Order of the Rosary and other entities, and was short-lived; however, a black man, Jayme de Camargo, continued to collect contributions on its behalf in high political circles.” (…)

“In 1926, a black man, the son of a well-known black Latin teacher, wanted to join a sailing club (Tietê or Espéria, I don’t remember exactly). He was barred. The chronicler Carlos de Campos Sobrinho began, at least Night Diary, a campaign against this attitude. As a result of the columnist's position, the newspaper received a large number of letters supporting the gesture of the club's board. The argument that was then made to justify the club invoked the backwardness of Cuba and other countries run by blacks and whose majority of the population was black. On that occasion, the columnist was approached by a group of blacks who, greeting him, offered him an armful of flowers. However, the general mood favorable to the club led him to give up the campaign.” (…). [6]

At that moment, when black people were beginning to become aware (a still cloudy, confused awareness, full of contradictions) of their social situation: “a black man, Antônio Carlos, now a major in Barbacena, appears with the idea of ​​creating a library exclusively for black people.”

This idea gave rise to an institution called the Palmares Civic Center, which soon took on a unique role among black movements: “The clearly cultural purpose with which it emerged – the organization of a library – was due to the conditions in which we lived, and this society began to play a role in the defense of black people and their rights. In this sense, the campaign that was carried out against an ordinance by police chief Dr. Bastos Cruz, which imposed the condition of being white for acceptance into the Civil Guard, is enlightening. Palmares managed to get congressman Orlando de Almeida Prado to give a speech that had great repercussion, which led to the overturn of this determination.. The director of the Guard, on that occasion, said: 'with the entry of blacks, we can open the door to people with morphemia and physical disabilities'.” (…).

Palmares brought together men who, later, in the 30s, would separate into two groups and wage a relentless struggle to impose their ideals on black people. Among them were the Veiga dos Santos brothers and José Correia Leite; Vicente Ferreira joined them and came to São Paulo.

Let us also look at other facts that occurred between 1927 and 30, which are important for understanding the black movements: “In 1927, Vicente Ferreira, who came from Rio exclusively to speak at the burial of Carlos de Campos, impressed everyone present at the funeral ceremony with his oratory – and spoke alongside the greatest speakers of the time (Roberto Moreira, Alfredo Pujol, Armando Prado)”. [7]

“After this, he stayed in São Paulo, because here he found the element that he could not form or that did not exist in Rio, and he immediately integrated himself into the social life of the blacks. He was poor, very poor; he slept in a hostel when he had money for a room. He did not work and drank cachaça. He received money from his blacks; from whites, never. He was semi-literate, not knowing how to write his own name, but he was a great popular orator. As such, he participated, on that occasion, in a series of popular rallies, held in order to prepare the tributes to be paid to the crew of the Jahú. From that time on, he was the main orator at all the meetings of blacks.”

“Having found Palmares, he joined it, giving, on the occasion of his entry into that organization, an interview, in Sao Paulo Newspaper, which shook the black people here, due to the accusations he made against them, for not supporting that organization. He said among other things: 'the black people of São Paulo are dancing samba on the graves of their grandparents and turning yellow in the greatest promiscuity in the basements of the city'."

“Who responded to these insults, defending black people, was the Dawn Bugle. [8] Thus, they clashed, only later being pacified by the president of Palmares, at the time a black foreigner.”

“It was Vicente Ferreira who introduced the term negro to replace the then used and empty man of color. Man of color is also yellow and Indian; he put an end to this nonsense of man of color, which means nothing.” (…).

“Another fact is related to the Jahú voyage in 1927. In Casablanca, one of the crew members got into a fight with the others because his name was not listed as a member of the crew. The newspapers here attributed this attitude to his skin color – he was a mulatto. The dirty insinuations were made between the lines, but we blacks, accustomed to seeing such dirty things, noticed right away. To contradict what was said about this crew member, another, Newton Braga, also a mulatto, stayed by his side, faithfully.” (…). [9]

“At the end of Dr. Batista Pereira’s famous conference, entitled ‘Brazil and Race’, in which he criticized Gobineau, there was a great commotion among the students to decide whether Vicente Ferreira should speak or not. He ended up speaking and defending the black race.” (…) [10]

“In 1928, the Dawn Bugle tried to hold what was then called the First Congress of Black Youth, having sent invitations to black intellectuals. Of these, only Dr. Arlindo Veiga dos Santos accepted it, having written a message published in Clarion and The capital and was in charge of writing the program. Dr. Evaristo de Morais sent a letter expressing his support for the Congress. At that time, there was a negative reaction in the capital's press, with the Night Diary published an editorial to that effect.” [11]

“It is also from this period – 1928 – the movement to have September 28th considered Black Mother’s Day. On September 28th, 1928 The Gazette published the news of the theft, by a black woman, of her employer's necklace, under the following title: 'On Black Mother's Day, Josefina stole the necklace'. Two days later a Portuguese published, in the free section of the National Gazette, an article with the title: 'More respect for black people is requested'. The group of Clarion discovered who the author was and went to visit him to thank him for his spontaneous defense – he was a bookkeeper who had recently arrived from Portugal.” (…) [12]

“At the Law School, there was a skeleton of a black woman known as Jacinta. When the dean of the school changed, the new one thought that this was heresy and ordered that the skeleton be buried with all the pomp that a body deserves. On the day of the burial, representatives of many black organizations were present and, at the São Paulo Cemetery, Vicente Ferreira gave one of the happiest speeches of his life: he made the students cry, describing São Paulo in Jacinta’s time.” (…). [13]

"The Fanfula, a newspaper of the Italian colony and a herald of fascism, published an article in which it was said that São Paulo, colonized by the Italians, had not yet managed to whiten its population. What’s more, foreigners felt bad when they arrived here, seeing so many black people walking the streets. These comments provoked a reaction among law students who, in an attitude of revulsion, tried to vandalize the newspaper.” (…). [14]

 “At that time, the idea of ​​creating a herm for Luiz Gama was also put forward. The creator of this movement (Argentine Celso Wanderley, president of the Campos Elísios carnival club) invited journalist Lino Guedes (later known as a poet) to take on the role of intellectual director.” (…) [15]

The living conditions of black people, which had been unsatisfactory until then, worsened with the crisis of 29, which caused unemployment to spread among them. This fact created a favorable situation for the emergence of a protest movement, by leaving unemployed elements capable of establishing contact between the elite and the masses, elements that, in turn, found a favorable field for action, in a milieu dissatisfied with unemployment. (…).

“Foreseeing the possibility of having their situation changed with the revolution of 30, blacks became enthusiastic and began to see it as the solution to all their problems. During the revolutionary phase, blacks were happy… a vengeful spirit could even be observed among them: the satisfaction of seeing those old men of politics lose their dominant position. The revolution, made to liquidate a state of affairs that had prevailed since the beginning of the Republic, served, in reality, to satisfy the desire of those at the bottom to occupy a prominent position in national life – at least, to those who lived through the revolutionary situation, that is how it appeared.” (…). [16]

“If, under these conditions, there were forces acting to enable the emergence of the movement, as well as to push it towards success, there were also others hindering it. The economic dependence of blacks on whites diluted the spirit of revolt. The following fact is suggestive in this sense: one of those responsible for the Front (Isaltino Veiga dos Santos) wanted to give a violent interview against whites, in one of the capital's newspapers, but the editor objected, arguing that he was going to attack whites in a white newspaper. There is also the fear of the consequences of encouraging blacks to revolt, which, in the mouth of one of them, is expressed as follows: 'if you anger all these blacks, what will happen?'” (…).

“The Black Front initially brought together all the groups that existed in the black community. Over time, its orientation dissatisfied some of the groups that were part of it and caused them to leave.” It is easy to understand this orientation through the events that occurred during this phase of organization. (…).

“When the Black Front was founded in mid-31, São Paulo saw the enthusiasm with which the Italian colony embraced and preached the new political ideas that had emerged in Italy with the advent of fascism. Meetings in organizations in this colony were presided over by people in black shirts, who would make the fascist salute; in workers’ circles, there was already much talk of Dopolavoro. The Germans, for their part, were enthusiastic about Hitler’s rise to power. Here, the first stirrings of integralist action appeared, similar in many ways to the patrianovista movement led by Dr. Arlindo Veiga dos Santos.” (…).

“The identification of the Front’s orientation with right-wing ideals is clearly demonstrated by the fact – which occurred later, during the First Congress of Integralist Action – that Dr. Arlindo Veiga dos Santos gave a speech in which he pledged solidarity with the aforementioned party from the Front and its 200.000 black people. The Clarim Group, already realizing the Veiga dos Santos brothers’ intention to make the other elements mere followers of their ideals, assumed a vigilant and independent attitude in relation to the events. At that moment, the first symptoms of the divergence that would soon manifest itself between the leadership of the Black Front and the Clarim Group appeared. Clarion.” (…).

“At the first major meeting of the Black Front, held in the halls of the Working Classes, which were completely packed, the group of Clarion had the first clash with the leadership of the Front.” (…)

“Right when the statutes were drawn up, which gave the organization a clearly fascist character, the first disagreements arose, with some elements (among them Alberto Orlando) distancing themselves.” (…).

“The following event, which occurred at that first meeting, is suggestive for assessing the spirit of the blacks on that occasion and also for seeing how the doors of the Frente Negra were opened to Vicente Ferreira: “After one of the speakers gave a very patriotic lecture on the first independence movement – ​​the Inconfidência Mineira –, Vicente Ferreira, until then placed on the sidelines of the movement, asked to speak and refuted the speaker’s ideas, making it clear that, in Brazil, the first cry for freedom was given by the blacks, in their stronghold of Palmares. The great repercussion of his words, expressed in the applause he received, led the leadership of the Frente Negra to relax the order that the great tribune could not participate in the movement.” (…)

“Things were in this state when, meeting Dr. Arlindo Veiga dos Santos on José Bonifácio Street, in front of the building where the newspaper was located The Reason, I asked him if he intended to use the Black Front to achieve his political ideals. He answered affirmatively, adding that the integralists had stolen his ideas – they had even invited him to be the director of this newspaper (he pointed out the buildingThe Reason), but they gave the place to Plínio Salgado. This was the last straw that led to my resignation from the Black Front Council.”

“Once the opposing positions of the Black Front and the group of Clarion, a silent fight began between them. At the Front it was said that the group of Clarion, and others considered enemies, were the Judases of the race. [17] The group was accused of Clarion of being inactive, of never having done anything for black people, of only knowing how to talk and criticize – these are the words of Mr. Isaltino: 'our followers do not need intellectuals; we need more action and less words'. For its part, the group of Clarion continued to criticize, through the newspaper, the orientation followed by the Front’s leadership.”

“This fight had an unexpected outcome. Isaltino committed a foul that involved the blacks from São Sebastião do Paraiso, where he had gone to organize a front nucleus. From there, they asked him to Clarion advocate their cause, in the sense that a correction be applied to Isaltino. The group of Clarion understood that the discussion of these subjects was outside the tradition of his newspaper, he launched another one, calling it The Whip. There was an uproar among the black front ranks, increasing the climate that existed there, contrary to Clarion, and Isaltino Veiga dos Santos even went so far as to shout 'one must die'. When the third issue ofThe Whip, on the Saturday before Holy Week in 1932, the writing of the Clarion was invaded by a group of black men armed with clubs who, in a vandal rage, vandalized the house of the newspaper's director, Mr. José Correia Leite, without, however, touching the newspaper's small workshop, located in the same place. (This scene was quick and brutal, with the victims of the attack requesting the opening of a police investigation, which ended up being archived).” (…). [18]

“The idea was formed in the minds of the members of the Frente Negra, thanks to the work of Isaltino Veiga dos Santos, that the divergence between the group of Clarion and they were nothing more than a mere question of spite and envy, because that group wanted to own the Front. This, Isaltino said, was because they were not capable of organizing a society like the Front. This was the reason why they decided to found the Black Social Culture Club. It was the response to the accusations they made against us.”

"The Culture, as it was called, was installed on Major Quedinho Street, in a modest headquarters, on July 1, 1932.”

“When the revolutionary movement of 32 broke out, there was no scope for the activities of these two groups among black people. Cultura, which had just been founded, did not even begin its activities. The Frente, ‘founded under the aegis of 30’, with its pro-federal government attitude, remained isolated from the life of São Paulo during the revolutionary period: the movement, in its headquarters, was limited almost exclusively to its leaders, who lived there (Isaltino Veiga dos Santos, Roque A. Santos and others) and a few corporals.” (…).

Before we discuss the formation of the Black Legion of São Paulo, we are concerned with the figure of one of its organizers, Guaraná de Santana, a former member of the Black Front.

Having withdrawn from the Black Front, shortly before the revolution: “he founded a political party with the name of the National Socialist Party, in fact, the same name as Hitler's party, which aroused sympathies in many who did not foresee its true aims. He launched a newspaper under the name of New Brazil, where he declared himself the greatest black leader of the New Brazil. The party and newspaper had a short life because São Paulo, in the midst of the effervescence of preparations for the revolution, absorbed everything and everyone – the slogan was 'everything for São Paulo', 'São Paulo united' etc.” (…).

“Once the revolution was established – although a secret letter from Governor Pedro de Toledo was known, advising leaders to avoid enlisting blacks and beggars – Guaraná de Santana and Major Goulart, assisted by Captain Arlindo and Vicente Ferreira, founded the Black Legion of São Paulo.” (…).

“The blacks from the capital who enlisted got posts as sergeants or corporals, but they tried hard to stay here, in some post in the legion. Those from the interior made their preparations very quickly and went to the front. It is curious that many women accompanied their husbands.” (…).

“At this stage, the Voice of the Race, the official organ of the Front. This is the second attempt at a newspaper they have made; the first, which was short-lived, was made before the revolution, under the direction of the Freitas brothers and under the name of The Promise. Voice of the Race It was directed by Dr. Raul Amaral. Collaboration was exclusive to members of the Frente Negrinos and was subject to censorship by the management. (…)

“Isaltino Veiga dos Santos was expelled from the ranks of the Black Front; soon after, Arlindo Veiga dos Santos resigned as president. They were replaced by Justiniano da Costa, president, and Francisco Lucrécio, secretary. At that time, a group left and founded the Black Socialist Front, without major consequences.”

“The coup of 37 found the Frente Negra registered as a political party and the government closed it down. It immediately became the União Negra Brasileira, under the presidency of Dr. Raul Amaral, who made every effort to continue the work until May 1938, when the fiftieth anniversary of abolition was celebrated.” (…).

“From 32 to 45, for better or worse, Cultura existed. It went through the dictatorship phase, misleading everyone, with its leaders removing the word black from its name, which became simply Clube de Cultura Social.” (…).

The deponent did not want to provide information about this period (from 1945 onwards), claiming it was recent history. He provided me with a collection of Alvorada, the official body of the Association of Brazilian Blacks, founded with the democratization of the country.

It can be seen from the analysis of the newspaper that the people responsible for this organization were the same ones who took part in past events. There was practically no new blood. (…) The basis of the program is the need for social, economic and cultural upliftment of black people. This intention is pursued through objective planning, which does not include any relationship with politics, a detachment that is constantly affirmed. (…).

In 1948, Mr. José Correia Leite was replaced as president by Dr. Raul de Amaral. Soon after, the Association suspended its activities. [19]

*Joseph Correia Leite He was an editor for the newspapers: O Clarim d'Alvorada, A Chibata and Alvorada. He was active in the Palmares Civic Center (CCP); the Brazilian Black Front (FNB); the Black Social Culture Club (CNCS), the Brazilian Black Association (ANB) and the Black Culture Association (ACN). He participated in the UNESCO research in São Paulo (1951), coordinated by Roger Bastide and Florestan Fernandes.. [20]

*Renato Moreira He was a sociology professor at the Faculty of Philosophy, Sciences and Letters at USP. He participated in the UNESCO research in São Paulo (1951), coordinated by Roger Bastide and Florestan Fernandes..

(LEITE; MOREIRA, 1951b, p. 65).

(LEITE, 1951, p. 91).

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ROQUE, Daniel (2021). How the country's top law school violated a black woman's body for 30 years, Bridge Journalism, April 9, 2021, n/p. Available next link

SALLES, Silvana (2023). USP Law School withdraws tribute to professor who exposed black woman's body as a curiosity, Journal of USP, April 6, 2023, n/p. Available next link

SANTOS, Ivair (2007), Presentation. In. CUTI, Luiz (2007). ...And said the old militant José Correia Leite. New York: New York University Press, p. 9-10.

SILVA, Ernesto (1928). A little more respect is required for black people, The Clarim d'Alvorada, October 21, 1928, p. 6 Available next link

SILVA, Mário (2012). Making History, Making Sense: Black Cultural Association (1954-1964), New Moon, p. 227-273. Available next link

SILVEIRA, Paulo (2023). Social walling in the school experiences of Florestan Fernandes. In: MOLL, Jacqueline; BARBOSA, Márcia (orgs.). In defense of public schools. Porto Alegre: Sulinas Publishing House, p. 174-189.

SOUZA, Frederico (1929a). To Jacinta, The Clarim d'Alvorada, July 14, 1929, p. 1. Available next link

SOUZA, Frederico (1929b). Should black people be politicians?, The Clarim d'Alvorada, October 27, 1929, p. 3. Available next link

STUMPF, Lúcia; VELLOZO, Júlio (2018). “A resounding Orpheus of Carapinha” in downtown São Paulo: the fight for the construction of the monument to Luiz Gama, Advanced Studies, v. 32, n. 92, p. 167-191. Available next link

TIÉDE, Livia (2023). Race union: Frederico Baptista de Souza and the black militancy of São Paulo in post-abolition Brazil (1875-1960). Thesis (PhD in Social History). Institute of Philosophy and Human Sciences of the State University of Campinas (UNICAMP). Available next link

Academic TRADITION that disappears (1929). The State of S. Paul, June 7, 1929, p. 10. Available next link

ALL BLACK (1929). The Clarim d'Alvorada, September 28, 1929, p. 3. Available next link

A GREAT day (1931). The Gazette, November 21, 1931, p. 4. Available next link

TRUE truths (1928), The Clarim d'Alvorada, February 5, 1928, p. 2. Available next link

Notes

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[1] Research, editing and notes by Diogo Valença de Azevedo Costa (UFRB) and Paulo Fernandes Silveira (FEUSP and GPDH-IEA).

This text is one of the reports prepared by Renato Jardim Moreira for the UNESCO research, coordinated in São Paulo by Roger Bastide and Florestan Fernandes. Moreira's work received part of its funding from UNESCO (FERNANDES, 2017).

Copies of this same report can be found in the Special Collection of the Florestan Fernandes Fund (BCo/UFSCar) and in the collection of Renato Jardim Moreira, on the website of the National Museum. In her master's dissertation, Antônia Campos (2014) attached a copy of this report.

We have edited some passages from the report. We have adapted the text to current Portuguese standards and corrected some imprecise references. We have kept the quotation marks in the various passages indicating testimonies by José Correia Leite, which is why we consider him one of the authors of this report.

Regarding Correia Leite's contribution to UNESCO research, Florestan Fernandes argues: “The gaps in historical documentation on the economic and social situation of black people advised us to appeal to the testimonies of human agents. However, the main informant, Mr. José Correia Leite, only had personal knowledge of the years after the beginning of the century, reporting previous occurrences based on memories maintained in oral tradition” (FERNANDES, 2008a, p. 414, n. 95).

Regarding the UNESCO research, Correia Leite states: “Of the three parts of the research (in São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro and Bahia), the best done was in São Paulo, because in the methodology the teachers had the students go out into the streets, go to the factory gates, etc. I was also approached by a young man who later became a good friend of mine. He graduated in sociology and was a student of Professor Roger Bastide. His name was Renato Jardim Moreira. He did a paper with me about my participation in social struggles, in organizations, in newspapers. This paper was included in the UNESCO research and also, later, in the thesis of Professor Florestan Fernandes. The Integration of Black People into Class Society” (CUTI, 2007, p. 153).

In her careful work, Antônia Campos (2014) specifies the contributions of each black movement activist in the UNESCO research in São Paulo. There was no talk by Correia Leite at the round tables promoted by Roger Bastide and Florestan Fernandes. However, in a recent testimony, Correia Leite indicates that he was present at one of the meetings: “The first seminar was at the Municipal Library. The audience was attended by important black people, graduates in specialties, with oratory flourishes…” (CUTI, 2007, p. 152).

Correia Leite’s contributions to UNESCO research are concentrated in three documents: two reports prepared with Renato Moreira, “Social movements in the black community” and “Life story of José Correia Leite”, and a handwritten “Autobiography”. The three documents are in the Special Collection of the Florestan Fernandes Fund (BCo/UFSCar).

[2] In the 1930s, the CGTB (General Confederation of Brazilian Workers) was chaired by black worker Minervino de Oliveira (BUONICORE, 2022). In 1930, Oliveira ran for president for the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB). In any case, during this period, the PCB did not place racism at the center of its debates (BUONICORE, 2009).

In other testimonies, Correia Leite states that many debates on black issues took place at the Associação Auxiliadoras das Classes Laboriosas (BARBOSA, 1998; CUTI, 2007). The Sala das Classes Laboriosas was used by black associations (COTRIM, 2020). In 1929, the Dawn Bugle sponsored the show “A malandragem” in this hall, located on Rua do Carmo (TUDO PRETO, 1929). In September 1931, the Frente Negra Brasileira was founded in the Salão das Classes Laboriosas (FUNDOU-SE ONTEM, 1931).

We did not find in the newspapers published in the 1930s any reference to a Brazilian organization with the acronym UTC.

Perhaps, due to a typing error, the indicated association is UTG (Union of Graphic Workers). This association defended communist and revolutionary positions (GUALBERTO, 2008). Some texts from the newspaper The graphic worker, maintained by the UTG, compare the oppression of workers to the oppression of slaves. A text published in 1923 states: “It seems incredible that, in the 1888th century, the century of Enlightenment, there are men who are nothing more than truly ignorant; men who believe that we are in 1923, the time of slavery of the black race” (ONDE ESTÁ, 3, p. XNUMX).

We are grateful for the academic collaboration of João Prado and Luiz Bernardo Pericás in confirming some information on these topics.

[3] In September 1934, the Paulista Post Office dealt with the issue involving the image of Lenin in the panel created by Diego Rivera (O CASO, 1934).

[4] In another testimony, Correia Leite states that the Scottsboro case was “as talked about as the Sacco and Vanzetti case” (CUTI, 2007, p. 54). As occurred in the United States and in several other countries, Socorro Vermelho organized rallies and demonstrations in Brazil in defense of the young black people of Scottsboro.

On August 23, 1934, the 8th anniversary of the execution of Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeu Vanzetti in the United States, Socorro Vermelho organized a rally in Rio de Janeiro: “We invite the masses to give their decisive support against American imperialism that murdered Sacco and Vanzetti and now intends to physically exterminate the nine young black men from Scottsboro, victims of the indecent process in Alabama” (NA PASSAGEM, 1934, p. 8). 

The rally suffered brutal police repression, many people were injured, at least two protesters died (OS SANGRENTOS, 1934, p. 1).

In 1937, one of the lawyers for the young black men from Scottsboro, David Levinson, came to Brazil to help defend political prisoners Harry Berger (Ernest Ewert) and Luís Carlos Prestes (O ADVOGADO, 1937). Harry Berger and his wife Elisa had been brutally tortured (NEVES, 2013). In 1936, Elisa Berger and Olga Benário Prestes, wife of Luís Carlos Prestes, were deported to Germany (A CONSCIÊNCIA, 1936).

Regarding the moment of the deportation, Graciliano Ramos wrote: “One night we heard terrifying screams from the primary school pavilion, confusing information from numerous voices. Listening closely, we realized that Olga Prestes and Elisa Berger were going to be handed over to the Gestapo: at that time they were trying to take them from room 4. The women were resisting, and nearby the men were making a terrible noise. They had received warning, and hence the future protest, although the police swore that there would only be a change of prison. – Change of prison to Germany, bandits” (RAMOS, 1953, p. 111).

After numerous trials and seven years in prison, four of the nine young black men accused of rape in Scottsboro were released (O FAMOSO, 1937, p. 2).

[5] According to Correia Leite, the Dawn Bugle was sought out by Bahians Alcino dos Santos and João Sotero da Silva, who introduced them to the polyglot Mário de Vasconcelos: “And that was when we began to learn more about the Pan-Africanist movement, the Marcus Garvey movement. All through this Mário de Vasconcelos, because from Bahia he began to send already translated contributions to our newspaper about the work of the black movement in the United States and elsewhere” (CUTI, 2007, p. 77).

O Dawn Bugle even published a short text by Marcus Garvey (1930).

[6] In a series of articles entitled “Reprehensible Prejudice”, published in Night Diary, in 1927, swimming champion Carlos de Campos Sobrinho criticized nautical clubs for not accepting black people as members. Sobrinho did not refer to any situation specifically involving any of the regatta clubs.

However, in the course of the debate, the Night Diary published a letter from José Ramalho, regatta director of the São Paulo Athletic Association, defending the use of racist criteria in the selection of members: “Whether they like it or not, color prejudice exists and must always exist. If a black person attended the meetings of nautical clubs, I am sure that this would displease many members, who would certainly leave the environment because they considered it inconvenient” (PRECONCEITO, 1927a, p. 4).

On May 13, 1927, on behalf of a group of colored men, Mr. Horácio da Cunha went to the headquarters of Night Diary take a bouquet of flowers to Carlos de Campos Sobrinho (PRECONCEITO, 1927b, p. 4).

A similar event occurred in 1978, when the Tietê Regatas club prohibited four black boys from training volleyball (RACISMO, 1978). At the beginning of the 2022th century, the closure of the São Paulo Regatas club gave rise to the Tietê Regatas club and the São Paulo Athletic Association (MEDEIROS; SILVA; QUITZAU, XNUMX). 

In protest against the racism suffered by the four boys and against other racist violence reported during that period, on July 7, 1978, the Unified Black Movement (MNU) promoted the first Public Act against Racism (GONZALEZ, 1982). 

[7] In its coverage of Carlos de Sampaio's funeral, the Paulista Post Office gave an account of Vicente Ferreira's speech:

“Professor Vicente Ferreira, from the capital of the Republic, also spoke, delivering an eloquent speech that left the greatest impression, both for the sincerity with which he delivered it, offering a eulogy for the statesman, citizen, artist and patriot who has now disappeared from our midst. Speaking on behalf of the men of color, the representatives of this great race that helped form our nation, he recalled with an expression of deep sympathy and recognition that passage in the life of the late deceased, briefly described by Menotti Del Picchia in an article published the day before yesterday in the columns of this newspaper. He highlighted the kind heart of Dr. Carlos de Campos, for whom there were no prejudices or social barriers, extending his greetings and kindness to everyone. The speaker ended his speech by bidding farewell to the friends and admirers of the eminent statesman who lived in the capital of the country” (OUTROS DISCURSOS, 1927, p. 2). 

In Correia Leite's testimonies about the black movement in the 1920s and 1930s, there are always references to Vicente Ferreira: “He was an extraordinary man, but no one in our time wanted to mention Vicente Ferreira's name. I am the only person who, in Florestan Fernandes' research, always cited Vicente Ferreira as one of the greatest black people of our time” (CUTI, 2007, p. 68).

Despite the ties with Correia Leite and the group of Clarion, at the time of the conflicts, Vicente Ferreira chose to side with the black front: “Vicente Ferreira spent some time in the editorial office of Dawn Bugle, but when things between our group and the Frente Negra got bad, what did they do? They managed to get Vicente Ferreira there. And he started to have his reasons. In the newsroom Clarion it was not a place to make speeches. There at the headquarters of the Black Front it was a good field for that” (CUTI, 2007, p. 69).

After the 1932 Revolution, the Black Front broke with Vicente Ferreira: “As they were once again in control of the situation, they caused a terrible stir with the police, saying that he was an enemy of São Paulo, a subversive. Vicente Ferreira left São Paulo. He went to Rio de Janeiro. He must have been very ill. On a trip that some students from São Paulo took to Rio, they passed through Petrópolis and saw Vicente Ferreira. One of the law school janitors recognized him and stopped to talk. He was very happy and asked for information about the people in São Paulo. He said that he only had gratitude and sincere friendship for three people from São Paulo. I was one of them” (CUTI, 2007, p. 70).

After spending a few months in the Pedro II Hospital, in Santa Cruz, on the outskirts of the western part of the city of Rio de Janeiro, Vicente Ferreira died on October 11, 1934 (DESAPARECE, 1934).

In one of the tributes paid to Vinicius Ferreira, the writer Humberto de Campos (1934) narrates the episode in which the academic and journalist Leônidas de Rezende, in the editorial office of Or Impartial, gave him the title of “professor”. According to Campos, since the 1910s, Vicente Ferreira had left his job as a shoemaker to become a great self-taught orator. He died undermined “by tuberculosis, the daughter of poverty” (CAMPOS, 1934, p. 2).

[8] The answer from Clarion Vicente Ferreira's criticism of the Palmares Civic Center appeared in the February 1928 edition (VERDADEIRAS, 1928). 

[9] Correia Leite refers to the Genoa-Santos raid with the seaplane Jahú, piloted by the Brazilian João de Barros (MACHADO; ULIAM, 2019). The black crew member replaced during the raid was Arthur Cunha, in the Cape Verde stage (O RAIDE, 1927).

As soon as Jahú was sighted 725 miles from Recife, the people of São Paulo took to the streets to celebrate: “On that occasion, the well-known orator Vicente Ferreira spoke, who, upon finishing his eloquent prayer, was carried in triumph by the people” (NA PRAÇA, 1927, p. 1).

The Tribune dedicated an article to the speaker: “At this moment, however, more than ever before, a voice to interpret popular enthusiasm has become necessary. Without a rally speaker, São Paulo would be the most ridiculous figure in the world. The Jahú plane, before being a national glory, is a glory for São Paulo. (…) Here comes Professor Vicente Ferreira! The people immediately elected him as their interpreter in the demonstrations of sympathy for João de Barros’ victory” (ORADORES POPULARES, 1927, p. 2).

[10] In a report on Baptista Pereira's lecture “Brazil and race”, given at the invitation of the XI de Agosto Academic Center, on June 19, 1928, at the USP Law School, the National Gazette reports Vicente Ferreira's intervention:

“A representative of the Palmares Center, an association of men of color, then asked to speak and greeted Baptista Pereira. At first, the speaker was looked at with some surprise, but he soon won open applause from the audience. It was Professor Vicente Ferreira, who came to bring Baptista Pereira, on behalf of that society, the gratitude of his race for the part he had played in defending his qualities” (O BRASIL, 1928, p. 3).

[11] In the June 1929 issue, the editorial of the Dawn Bugle presented the proposal for the Black Youth Congress (CONGRESSO, 1929). In the following edition, Jayme de Aguiar (1929) countered the criticisms made of the proposal and highlighted the importance that the congress could have for future generations.

In January 1930, the morning leaf also criticized the proposal. The newspaper mocked posters about the Black Youth Congress pasted on the city's lampposts with a drawing of a black man in chains. At the end of the article, the newspaper lists the rights and freedoms enjoyed by black people in Brazil:

“a) They enjoy all political rights; b) They enjoy the same prerogatives as white men; c) They are subject to the same laws and the same rigors; d) They have free entry to all Faculties and all Higher Education Schools; e) They have rights, in short, equal to white men” (IRONIA, 1930, p. 5).

[12] O Dawn Bugle reproduced this article by the Portuguese bookkeeper Ernesto Silva (1928).

[13] In the June 7, 1929 edition, the National Gazette made a report about the burial of Jacinta (Jacyntha), in the São Paulo Cemetery: “Yesterday, the cycle of permanence, at the Faculty of Law, of the famous mummy that exists there ended definitively. It was given to the grave at the request of the widow of Dr. Amâncio de Carvalho, who had long insisted on this purpose, even though she considered that the mummy was a scientific work, of high value, and should first be sent to a museum” (FOI BURIED, 1929, p. 1).

At the beginning of the century, Amâncio de Carvalho, a professor at the USP Law School, mummified Jacinta and placed her in the classroom of his public medicine course. In the December 1, 1901 edition, the newspaper Commerce in Sao Paulo brought a testimony from Carvalho about his experiment:

“J… black woman, about thirty years old, a regular guest of the police due to her excessive intemperance, completely infiltrated, particularly in the abdomen, where there was peritoneal effusion, was going to be taken to the Misericórdia hospital with a diagnosis of heart damage, made by one of the doctors of that department, when, on the way, she died in the car that was taking her: this was on November 26, 1900, at 10 o'clock in the morning. The body was delivered to me that same day, at 12 o'clock, and I soon began to practice the process modified by me” (EMBALSAMENTO, 1901, p. 1).

For almost three decades, Jacinta’s body was kept in a glass box, on display in room 7 of the Law School (O CORPO, 1929). People at the school gave her different names: Jacinta, Raimunda and Benedita (TRADIÇÃO, 1929). Even when kept inside the glass box, her body gave off a strong smell. She was the target of mockery among students: “When someone’s hat disappeared, it was easy to find it adorning Jacinta’s head. Other times she would appear with candles in her hands. And often in the strangest positions that the spirit of her tormentors invented…” (FOI BURIED, 1929, p. 1). 

The XI de Agosto Academic Center participated in organizing the funeral ceremony. Representatives of the black community were invited: from the Palmares Civic Center, the Kosmos Dramatic and Recreational Group and the Black Men's Association. Student Scalamandré Sobrinho spoke on behalf of the XI de Agosto Academic Center, and professor Vicente Ferreira spoke on behalf of black community associations:

“At the edge of the grave, Mr. Vicente Ferreira spoke for the blacks. A well-known orator in São Paulo, at public rallies, Mr. Vicente Ferreira always has an easy and enthusiastic way of speaking. This time, however, the resounding orator of civic meetings gave way to the sentimentalist. He spoke admirably well, even so, with a fluency that came more from the heart than from the externalization of a sequence of reasoning.

He recalled the significance of the academics’ gesture, in its Christian and human aspect, leaving open to the imagination of each person, questions about the possible romanticism of Raimunda’s obscure life. Thirty or more years ago, São Paulo was still a city of serenades, without skyscrapers and reinforced concrete. On these same streets of today’s São Paulo, wandered by Castro Alves and Álvares de Azevedo, Raimundo, a victim of the terrible weakness of excessive love for alcohol, had also walked, unconsciously humming the songs of those times. Later – who could say no – perhaps she had, in less unhappy times, cradled some young gentleman. Vicente Ferreira then spoke about the figure of the Black Mother, always remembered in the bosom of the great families of our land, as an example of dedication.

The speaker's voice was firm, without wavering, but tears were already running from his eyes when he said the last words” (O CORPO, 1929, p. 11).

Regarding this speech, Correia Leite noted: “No one expected someone to appear to touch the life of a woman of Jacinta’s condition. (…) It was one of the happiest [speeches] of his career as a tribune of the people. He described Jacinta in her time, how she walked the streets of São Paulo, described the city and narrated how she lived. What I know is that, when he finished, he was crying and all those people there (students, teachers…) with handkerchiefs in their hands” (CUTI, 2007, p. 67-68).

No Dawn Bugle, Frederico Baptista de Souza (1929a), an employee of the USP Law School, published a eulogy to Jacinta. 

One of the most influential activists of the black movement in the 1920s, Frederico de Souza helped found the Grêmio Dramático e Recreativo Kosmos and collaborated with the newspapers: Freedom, Elite, Dawn Bugle e Progress (TIÉDE, 2023). As an employee of the USP Law School, Frederico de Souza closely followed the political initiatives of the students of the XI de Agosto Academic Center.

On April 9, 2021, the Bridge Journalism produced a report recounting Jacinta's story (ROQUE, 2021). Based on research by historian Suzane Jardim, journalist Daniel Roque discusses the racism involved in this story. According to Suzane Jardim: “This episode has caused quite a stir among my colleagues, especially because it is not widely known. Everyone agrees that it is an example to be brought to reports, classrooms, and public debates. It is a symbolic fragment of Brazilian history, with several important elements for understanding racism in our country.” (ROQUE, 2021, n/p).

From a similar perspective, educator Mariana do Berimbau argues: “The Law School became the scene of an ostentatious demonstration of the power of white people over black bodies (especially female bodies) in the post-abolition context. There, the power of whiteness, masculinity, science and the institution that formed the nation’s leading elites was expressed. The power of violating the body and reputation, of making memory invisible and of depriving black people of their humanity” (BERIMBAU, 2024, p. 42).

On April 10, 2021, one day after the publication of Daniel Roque's (2021) report on Jacinta's story, the then dean of the USP Law School, Floriano de Azevedo Marques Neto, published an article on the subject: “It is less important that the event occurred more than 120 years ago. What is relevant is that the episode highlights disrespect for the body of a human being and also the very strong racist bias in that society (which unfortunately still persists) recently formally emerged from slavery. Jacinta was black, poor and a woman. Her dignity was disrespected during her life and even after her death” (MARQUES NETO, 2021, n/p).

On March 30, 2023, the Congregation of the USP Law School approved, by vote, the removal of Professor Amâncio de Carvalho's name from one of its classrooms. According to Silvana Salles: “The mobilization of black students at the FD was fundamental to the result of the vote in the Congregation (…). On the eve of the Congregation meeting, the Coletiva Negra Ângela Davis, the student representation and the Centro Acadêmico XI de Agosto held an act in memory and justice for Jacinta, with the support of entities such as the Marcha das Mulheres Negras, the Mães de Maio and the Movimento Negro Unificado” (SALLES, 2023, n/p).

[14] In another testimony, Correia Leite pointed to a racist article published by the Italian immigrant newspaper: “Another fact with the Italian colony was the publication of the newspaper the fanfulla, with a full-page article saying that São Paulo had many black people, similar to Bahia. They had already been spreading fascist ideas and that contributed to the students going there and pasting the newspaper” (CUTI, 2007, p. 117).

In his critique of this article by fanfulla, National Gazette quoted a passage from the text: “We look at foreigners with suspicion and allow São Paulo to gradually take on the ethnographic physiognomy of Bahia. Have you ever stopped to count how many blacks and mulattos you come across on a brief walk through the streets?” (OS REPAROS, 1929, p. 1).

No Dawn Bugle, Frederico de Souza also criticized the article: “If black people were united, we would be proud to have protested, due to the way they were treated by fanfulla, October 3, as seen in National Gazette, on the 10th; and, however, the protest was made, however, by the academic youth, through the Academic Center XI de Agosto” (SOUZA, 1929b, p. 3).

There is a mistake in Correia Leite's testimony. The student demonstration to which Frederico de Souza refers took place on September 24, 1928, one year before the publication of the article in fanfulla. This was a demonstration organized by the Academic Center XI de Agosto against the publication of fascist articles in the newspaper The small.

Thousands of protesters took to the streets of downtown São Paulo. The newspaper's editorial staff was plastered with: “The outrageous reception by the newspaper's scribblers The small, at the moment when Brazilian boys were going to ask them for an explanation or rectification of petty insults to our pride as a free people, raised the spirits of those who awaited the result of the conversation. It was then that the first stones began to rain, shattering windows and creating chaos, inside and outside the building. (…) The Italian journalists responded to the invaders' attack with a series of shots” (A ALTIVA, 1928, p. 12).

According to National Gazette, Vicente Ferreira was one of the speakers: “Next, Mr. Vicente Ferreira took the floor and gave a magnificent speech on the way in which fascism wants to manifest its imperialism in Brazil. His eloquent words received warm applause from the crowd” (O EMPASTELAMENTO, 1928, p. 2).

Among other reasons, the protest was motivated by the insults and threats of Luiggi Freddi, published in The small, to Maria Lacerda de Moura (BATALHA, 2020).

The day before the student demonstration, Sunday edition, the National Gazette made a report instigating a popular reaction to Freddi's texts published in The small: “Before there is a painful reaction from proud Brazilians, rude guests should restrain their language” (ABUSANDO, 1928, p. 4).

O National Gazette quoted one of Freddi's articles: “Men who belong to an ancient race, which gave the world three civilizations and the splendor of all the arts and all the sciences, which dominated and will dominate again 'ROMANLY', can laugh at the insults of all the idiots because they have the sure conscience of being able to TEACH anyone all the laws of education and hospitality” (ABUSANDO, 1928, p. 4).

[15] After three years of campaigning, the herma was inaugurated. According to Correia Leite: “In June 1930, on the 21st to be exact. The commission headed by the Argentine managed to finish the herma of Luiz Gama and the inauguration took place in Largo do Arouche with a beautiful party. Largo do Arouche was filled with black people. And there was also the presence of white politicians and intellectuals, such as Dr. Marcelo Soares, a politician from a traditional family. That demonstration was impressive” (CUTI, 2007, p. 88).

Correia Leite was mistaken about the date of the inauguration of the Herma. It only occurred on November 22, 1931 (HERMA, 1931; UM GRANDE, 1931). The black movement's activists intended for the Herma to be inaugurated on June 21, 1930, the date of the centenary of Luiz Gama's birth (STUMPF; VELLOZO, 2018).

Frederico de Souza was one of the black movement activists who collaborated with the project to inaugurate Luiz Gama's hermitage (O FILHO, 1930, p. 3).

[16] (Authors' note). Perhaps the economic success of the immigrants living in Bixiga, who lived alongside the blacks, also played an important role in sparking the idea of ​​an organization to sponsor the social, economic and cultural uprising of the blacks, as well as in defending their demands. I do not have the evidence to support this assertion, but two facts seem suggestive to me: one, that the black movements emerged in Bixiga and not in Barra Funda, an area also with a dense black population; the other, that the deponent, having spent his adolescence in the home of an Italian family, makes references to the "mistake that the blacks were realizing in 27-28, of not having imitated the immigrant, since the latter had suffered hardship and ate poorly - a fact that the blacks mocked. At that time, the Italians owned all of Bixiga and their children, when they were not doctors, were bookkeepers, tailors, carpenters, or had small businesses, while the blacks still lived in basements and suffered the same stings of economic inequality. Clarion drew attention to this fact many times.”

[17] The first issue of whip features on its cover the accusation that counselors from the Frente Negra were accusing the newspaper's directors of being “Judases of the race” (JUDAS, 1932).

In his book on the political debate of the black community in the 1930s and 1940s, Flávio Gomes discusses the dissent of the Frente Negra motivated by the positions of its president: “Despite Arlindo’s constant defenses trying to dissociate his ‘patriotism’ from his actions in the FNB, the discussion and internal conflicts led to the emergence of dissident groups. Among them, one called Frente Negra Socialista, led by Manoel dos Passos. There were also the positions of José Correia Leite and Alberto Orlando” (2005, p. 60).

[18] As in the student protests of 1928 against The small, the attacks on the newspaper headquarters Dawn Bugle and Whip, in 1932, were considered as a jam. In a note, the National Gazette reports that the police, even when called, did not appear at the newspaper offices after the pasting (IT WAS PASTELADO, 1932).

[19] In 1954, alongside other activists, Correia Leite participated in the creation of the Associação Cultural do Negro (ACN) (SILVA, 2012). Between 1965 and 1976, the ACN was coordinated by Glicéria de Oliveira and Eduardo de Oliveira e Oliveira, the latter a great reference for the Movimento Negro Unificado (MNU). At different times, the ACN was coordinated by two generations of the black movement.

In 1985, Cultne promoted a meeting of activists from the Frente Negra Brasileira with activists from the MNU. In response to Correia Leite, who claims that there is no connection between the two generations of the black movement, Milton Barbosa (Miltão), an activist from the MNU, argues: “In early 1972, Rafael (Pinto), Neninho (from Obaluaê), and I met to discuss the situation of black people. We thought we were inventing the black movement, or something like that. When we started looking for information, we began to discover that other work had already been done. We learned about the Frente Negra Brasileira, work that had been done by the Associação Cultural do Negro, and we sought out the people. We spoke with Mr. Correia Leite and Mr. Henrique Cunha. It became clear to us that, in reality, the issue is not that there is no connection; what is missing is the memory of the black population. (…) There is a connection that we learned from them ways of intervening, ways of demanding, precisely, based on the process that they triggered. There really is a connection” (FRENTE NEGRA, 1985, 2m.52s.-4m.17s.).

Regarding the connection between the two generations of the black movement, another great MNU activist, Ivair dos Santos, states: “Mr. Correia Leite’s speech reproduces long conversations that we activists had about the recent past. With generosity and detachment, he placed himself before the youth who sought him out. His patience and life experience guaranteed his comments, made with such lightness and simplicity that his criticisms became a lesson” (SANTOS, 2007, p. 9).

We are grateful for the academic collaboration of Ivair dos Santos and Rafael Pinto in confirming some information on these topics.

[20] The life stories of Correia Leite, Vicente Ferreira and Florestan Fernandes are similar in some aspects. All three had very humble origins.

When Florestan was born, his godmother, who was his mother's employer, preferred that he be called Vicente, because she thought that “Florestan was not the name of a servant's son” (CHASIN et al., 1986, p. 61). Vicente became his family nickname.

As a child, Florestan lost his great friend to hunger and tuberculosis, a disease that also claimed the life of Vicente Ferreira. Regarding the death of this boy, who worked with him shining shoes, Florestan lamented: “it was not easy for us to survive” (CHASIN et al., 1986, p. 64).

In a reference to the social barriers imposed on black people, Correia Leite and Renato Moreira (1951a) revisit an expression by the poet Cruz e Souza: walling in (SILVEIRA, 2023). When analyzing the difficulties he faced in achieving social advancement, Florestan uses this expression: “This situation, in turn, returned to my observation later, in the research with Bastide: the theme of the 'walling in of the black'” (FERNANDES, 1977, p. 150).

Both Correia Leite and Florestan were raised by single mothers who worked as domestic servants. Both spent their childhoods in the Bixiga neighborhood. Both had to work from an early age.

According to Correia Leite, the boys in his neighborhood managed to earn a few pennies working as “caddies” at the golf club that existed in Morro dos Ingleses. In that open space far from commerce, the children ran the risk of being abused: “it was common for those blacks to grab a kid and take him to the woods, those who felt sorry, if they did, would tell the boy to jerk off. (…) I was full of mischief, I grew up on the streets – I always got away with it” (LEITE; MOREIRA, 1951b, p. 4).

In a biographical text, Florestan denounces this same type of threat against poor children who worked on the streets: “Violence entered my life very early, it was a process of self-defense: if I didn't use it, I would end up suffering violent sexual use by adults” (CHASIN et al., 1986, p. 62).

During the period in which Florestan lived in the city center, the golf club was no longer located in Morro dos Ingleses. However, the place continued to be frequented by local children: “Sometimes we would run away from school. We would go to Morro dos Ingleses, where there were some palaces and a large open space with a wall” (CHASIN et al., 1986, p. 64).

Without financial support from their families, Correia Leite, Vicente Ferreira and Florestan were unable to stay in school for long. Even though they had different life paths, the three considered themselves self-taught.

In the life story he wrote for the UNESCO research, Correia Leite talks about his brief school experience: “I spent my life on the streets, learning to read a little here and a little there. I saw many of the boys I played with go to school. After hanging around one of them for a while (the private Escola Mixta 13 de Maio), often waiting for boys I knew to leave, I ended up introducing myself to the teacher. I said I wanted to go to school but couldn’t pay for it – so she offered to provide services in exchange for teaching. Three months later, the teacher, who had come from the countryside because of a fiancé and had set up the school to support herself here, broke off the engagement, closed the school and returned to the countryside. In the last class, when she said goodbye, she gave me some books, advised me to keep reading and told me that one of the things she felt most was leaving me” (LEITE; MOREIRA, 1951b, p. 3-4).

It was Jayme de Aguiar, his partner in Dawn Bugle, who taught him how to calculate and write: “He set a date and started going to where I lived, in Bixiga, in the basement of some Italians’ house. He went twice a week and gave me math and Portuguese lessons. I started to improve” (CUTI, 2007, p. 27).

Jayme de Aguiar's (1951) contribution to the UNESCO research was limited to filling out an autobiographical questionnaire. Aguiar, aged 52, was a private tutor and an accountant in the civil service. Correia Leite was also a civil servant, working as a security guard in a department. According to Aguiar, there was less racism in the civil service.  

Upon turning 60, Correia Leite received a tribute from activist Fernando Goes: “Coming from poverty, he did not attend schools, nor did he associate with important or enlightened people. He learned to read by himself and acquired a love for reading by himself. At thirty years old, he knew more than a class of graduates, and was able to discuss the most diverse subjects with astonishing knowledge, thoughtfulness and reasoning. While everyone else, almost always, knows things because they have read treatises and studied a thousand textbooks, José Correia Leite knows them because his privileged intelligence always leads him to the same conclusions that we reach after much reading. That is why I always say that I owe everything I know to books and to him. His words, his advice, his ideas, his observations were worth the schooling I never had” (GOES, 1960, p. 4).

When Correia Leite passed away in 1989, Florestan was a Federal Deputy. The sociologist took the floor to pay tribute to him: “José Correia Leite demonstrated great balance and, at the same time, played a constructive role, developing an ideology that, in sociological terms, we would call a counter-ideology, as it opposes the mystifying ideology of the dominant race, a racial counter-ideology, through which black people intended to acquire the full status of citizens, of free, emancipated, non-oppressed men, capable of contributing to the economic, cultural and political development of Brazil in a more fruitful way” (FERNANDES, 2017, p. 144-145).

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