By JOÃO DOS REIS SILVA JUNIOR*
The PT needs to quickly find a way to articulate its different schools of thought to face the attacks from the rentier sector and the global threat from the extreme right.
The Workers' Party (PT) is one of the most consistent representative institutions. It is present in the country's political scene and in the formal instances of power in Brazil. The party originated in 1980, emerging as a strong left-wing political option, based on the support of union and social movements. During its history, the party has been in the Presidency of the Republic four times. In 2023, it began its fifth term at the top of the executive command. However, the PT has experienced difficult times, when cases such as corruption and the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff in 2016 came to light.
Internal differences within the Workers' Party have been one of the main causes faced and still to be faced. The PT is in itself an articulation of distinct currents, which is why at various times the views on the party and its actions establish conflicts in relation to the paths that the PT should or should not follow.
These differences are still evident and are generating much debate within the party due to discussions about the “fiscal package” and the actions of the Lula government. A late point in the discussion: the government removed taxes from the basic food basket. This is a shot in the foot, since the churches have been doing the same for a long time. The agenda of this social sector is now a moral one. Within the party, there is a divide between those who defend a stance more aligned with the party’s historical bases and those who defend the need to expand dialogue with more centrist and even right-wing sectors. This split could cause a rupture within the PT, putting Gleisi Hoffmann and Edinho Silva in different positions.
There is also something that became dramatically clear in the 2024 municipal elections: fascism continues to roam the country. This is a subject for much discussion and a clear and consistent positioning. And the PT urgently needs to adopt new strategies to expand its electoral base, particularly and prominently among self-employed and informal workers who tend to support right-wing candidates.
The party's crisis became more acute with the discussion of the fiscal package, which led to conflicts within the PT bench, straining relations with its allies, especially PSOL. It even caused shock when one of the party's founders, Rui Falcão (mentor of the Articulação tendency, linked to the unions), spoke out against the government's position. Thus, the crisis in the PT has profound implications for the future of the party and Brazilian politics.
Given this situation, the PT needs to quickly find a way to articulate its different schools of thought to confront the attacks from the rentier sector and the global threat of the far right. It urgently needs to adapt to political and economic demands and regain the trust of its voters, many of whom have distanced themselves from the party. It is up to the PT to overcome this moment in order to confront the crisis that the party institution is going through. Internal dialogue in the current context is essential, as is the formulation of policies that meet the needs of the population.
In addition, the party will need to strengthen its political alliances and seek new ways to engage with civil society. The crisis in the Workers’ Party is a reflection of the complexities and challenges the party has faced throughout its history. The internal disagreements, the political challenges, and the implications for the future of the PT are issues that require a careful and strategic approach. The PT’s success in overcoming this crisis will depend on its ability to adapt and innovate while remaining true to the principles that founded it.
The Workers' Party (PT) still maintains branches in the outskirts of São Paulo, organized in all regions of the city. These zonal branches are responsible for grouping neighborhoods with similar characteristics and agendas, facilitating local political mobilization and organization. However, the effectiveness and level of engagement of these branches can vary.
Some zonal directories remain active and play an important role in articulating local demands and promoting public policies. Others, however, face challenges such as a lack of resources and difficulty in mobilizing the population, especially in a context of changes in the organization of work and social dynamics.
The PT has faced difficulties in approaching workers in the new work organization. The transition to remote work, the gig economy and other forms of flexible employment have created challenges for the party, which has traditionally relied on unions and more traditional labor movements. Although the PT has tried to adapt its strategies, such as expanding dialogue with self-employed and informal workers, the effectiveness of these initiatives remains limited. The precariousness of work and the lack of benefits for many of these workers make it difficult to mobilize and organize politically.
Another challenge lies in the so-called economy of symbolic goods. Neo-Pentecostalism grows through its franchises on the outskirts of large cities and in the countryside. The movement is general. Pastors are the authority in such places, as these communities grew up on the fringes of the State. The pastor and the church are often the only safe havens against organized crime and militias. People live in fear and seek shelter in churches. The pastor and his acolytes are by the side of these workers every day.
In this religious environment, some of the main sources of miracle sales stand out: neo-Pentecostal churches such as the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God (IURD), the International Church of the Grace of God and the Renascer em Cristo Church. There are many of these distributors of tickets to paradise spread all over the place. The “truth is out there” and the daily reality is a dystopia for the excluded. There are hundreds or thousands of temples distributed and catalogued throughout the country.
For them, differences in sexual orientation and prejudice of any kind do not matter, and they welcome followers of all ideologies, and they do not care about right, center or left. The show must go on and they prepare it very well to attract their loyal customers. In addition to spiritual support, there is the material necessities of life: basic food baskets, courses and preparation for unskilled jobs, including financial assistance for those who need it most. There is a concrete support network within the communities or favelas and, to complete the picture, the media is in the hands of many of them.
The presence of neo-Pentecostal churches in the outskirts of cities can alter local power dynamics. Churches are the predominant mediators between favela society and local authorities. Typical and recurring comments include: “The pastors help us every day, the candidates show up here talking nicely and then leave.” For the destroyed, paradise implies prosperity and personal change. In some favelas, low crime rates are the result of divine action preached by pastors, who at the same time integrate outlaws into society.
If we can talk about these internal differences within the PT, about the new demands for party affiliation and activism, about aspects of popular religiosity, about the advance of the extreme right in Brazil…, we also need to add the concern about the ideological and market winds in the world. In global geopolitics, the conservative and nationalist trend is expanding in Europe and the United States, influenced by social, economic and political factors. In Europe, conservatism is strengthening in several countries.
In Portugal, the right wing is manifesting itself, with Chega, led by André Ventura, as the main far-right party. In the legislative elections of March 2024, Chega quadrupled its parliamentary representation from 12 to 48 deputies. The Democratic Alliance (AD), a center-right coalition, won the elections by a small margin, gaining 79 seats in Parliament.
The rise of the far right in Spain reflects a broader trend in Europe, where populist and nationalist parties are gaining support. However, their ability to influence national and European politics is still limited by internal divisions and resistance from other parties and voters.
In the July 2024 French legislative elections, the New Popular Front, representing the left, won the most seats in the National Assembly, but fell short of a majority. The centrist governing coalition led by Emmanuel Macron came in second, while Marine Le Pen's National Rally (RN) increased its presence in parliament.
In Britain, the July 2024 general election brought significant changes. The Labour Party, led by Keir Starmer, won a landslide victory, resulting in the largest in the party’s history. Keir Starmer promised to steer the country into “calmer waters” after 14 years of Conservative rule.
Germany is facing economic challenges and increasing political polarization. For now, the situation is still being monitored at local and global levels, linked to Germany's relevance not only for the European Union but also on a global scale.
In economic terms, over the past 15 years, China has been Brazil’s largest trading partner, and its volume has been increasing over time. In fact, Chinese imports from Brazil have exceeded US$100 billion per year in the past three years. Agriculture, trade, investment, science and technology, communications, health, energy and even cultural agreements are among some of the 37 bilateral agreements signed between China and Brazil. The agreement includes protocols on agricultural exports, as well as joint projects in innovative technology.
As for Brazil's relationship with BRICS (Brazil, Russia, China, India and South Africa), it has been dynamic and the balance is quite promising for the year 2024. The accession was considered a good omen for 2025, since Brazil will assume the presidency pro tempore of BRICS, which represents an excellent opportunity to deepen and expand cooperation between member countries.
In this context, movements that oppose immigration and the European Union on a nationalist and parochial wave can be highlighted, bringing to the fore the formulation of policies along these lines. These parties and movements increasingly place their support in the European youth.
In the United States, Donald Trump’s re-election has been a concern for many European leaders because his populist and isolationist policies could make the far right more attractive on the continent. Donald Trump remains a central figure for many far-right movements around the world, and his leadership style and rhetoric influence leaders in different parts of the world.
The rise of the far right is not an isolated phenomenon. It is connected to a network of leaders and movements that share conservative and nationalist ideals in different parts of the world. This development has far-reaching implications for global politics, its influence on democratic stability and international relations.
Brazil
Here, the right won or achieved notable percentages of the votes. In other states, where labor is organized, center and center-right parties appear to be able to govern. In Minas Gerais, the Workers' Party (PT) performed reasonably well, especially in the interior of the state. In São Paulo, the Social Democratic Party (PSD) and the Brazilian Democratic Movement (MDB) won mayoral elections, showing strength in the political center. In the Northeast, the electoral trend was confirmed.
In Bahia, the PT and the Brazilian Socialist Party (PSB) maintained a presence, with victories in cities. In Pernambuco, the PSB continued to be one of the parties, with city halls under its control. In Pará, the MDB and PSD also performed well, winning city halls. In the South, the Democratic Labor Party (PDT) obtained significant victories in the urban sphere.
In a situation like this, it is urgent to fix the house or rent it at a good price. A “split” within the Workers’ Party means its end in a situation in which the Armed Forces are cornered and ready for action, in a world where the extreme right predominates in power.
In one of his last interviews, Antonio Candido stated: “That is why I think and say that Lula should not be evaluated from a political, economic or ethical point of view, but from a historical point of view, as the man who presided over that mission that significantly alleviated the situation of economic and social inequality, which is the shame of Brazil.” Lula and the PT have already entered Brazilian history. What now?
*João dos Reis Silva Junior He is a professor at the Department of Education at the Federal University of São Carlos (UFSCar). Author, among other books, of Education, Class Society and University Reforms (Associated Authors) [https://amzn.to/4fLXTKP]
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