The Aldolavism

Image: Patricia McCarty


so much aldo Rebelo and Olavo de Carvalho represent the search for the nineteenth-century traditionalism of conservative movements

In the first half of 2022, the PDT announced that it would expel a right-wing group within the party, organized since 2015, called Nova Resistência.[I] This group is based on Alexandr Dugin, a Russian philosopher who figures in the conservative triad alongside Steve Bennon and Olavo de Carvalho. It didn't kick him out, like Ciro Gomes' interview on the program Panic and his explicit link to Aldo Rebelo, normally dressed as Santos Dumont, prove it. On the contrary, the organization, as well as other organizations that surround it, assumed a great role in the party.

During the Peripheral Revolution act against the statue of Borba Gato, these sectors, together with the PCO, attacked the Collective, classifying it as an identity.[ii] All declared themselves nationalists and defended the bandeirantes as founders of the nationality, such as the São Paulo elite of 1920 that organized themselves in the Comunhão Paulista (Júlio de Mesquita Filho), in the Bandeirismo (Cassiano Ricardo) and in the Integralismo (Plínio Salgado), all proto-fascist movements and fascists.

At the time, I wrote texts denouncing that they were groups of the right within the left. The main ideological framework of these groups is Aldo Rebelo, founder of a proto-fascist movement called Quinto Movimento. The PDT group was a major publicist for the Fifth Movement manifesto, which advocates a moral crusade by the State and the Armed Forces to educate the population against identityism.[iii] It mixes the mysticism of the Mexican fascist José Vasconcelos, one of the figures of Latin American fascism in the 1920s and a reference of Plínio Salgado, with Alexandr Dugin, racistly crediting the entire black and native movement with the “invading identity of the Brazilian mestizo nationality” ”.

As a consequence of this ultra-nationalist model, indigenous peoples would be part of a globalist plot to prevent Brazil from enriching itself through mineral extraction and food production. In this sense, the movement defends agribusiness as if it were an auxiliary line of employers' unions. If agribusiness does not pay taxes, if it depends on the public fund, if it practically does not generate jobs, if it does not produce food for a population in which half is subject to some degree of hunger (“food insecurity”), if biomes are destroyed and indigenous people are killed (genocide),[iv] it does not matter. It is a movement, just like Olavism and Bolsonarism, denialist.[v] Aldo Rebelo's uncritical position towards agribusiness is directly proportional to the appropriation of the mythologized historical interpretation of conservative movements on Brazilian natives and Africans – this is what he proposes to analyze in this text.

For these “conclusions” to be admitted, a very significant body of data needs to be denied. Some of these data are in visible interface with the Brazilian extreme right, to the point that the authors of the “conclusions” receive praise and are difficult to distinguish from the production of the extreme right itself.

In a debate in 2000, at USP, promoted by the Mário Alves Institute in commemoration of Gilberto Freyre's 100th birthday, Olavo de Carvalho listened to the presentation of the theses of Colonial Slavery. He did not disagree with the structuralist contributions of the work, but disagreed with Jacob Gorender when he opposed the “Freyrian description of patriarchal society”, since one would not eliminate the other – which is impossible in Gorender’s work, especially his Rehabilitated Slavery, a work designed to counter the memoirist and Freyrian criticisms of the Colonial Slavery, highlighting the book by Kátia Mattoso, Being a Slave in Brazil, a boring political attempt to refound Freyrianism with exclusive (and literally hand-picked) data from Bahia – something recently done by Antônio Risério, aiming to prove that structural racism against blacks does not exist, with, indeed, a black supremacism aligned with what called identity.

In this case, Kátia Mattoso had a family interest in Freyrianism. Greek, she was married to Sylvio de Queirós Mattoso, a direct descendant of Eusébio de Queiróz, whose father was the procurator-general of the comarca of Angola – the Queiróz family, together with the Mattoso family (Catarina Mattoso de Queiróz da Câmara was Eusébio’s mother) , were two slaveholding families, despite Eusébio's effort to prohibit the slave trade under the bayonet of the English on Brazilian merchant ships. Traffic exclusively. There was a family interest in romanticizing slavery.[vi]

At a certain point in the debate, Aldo Rebelo takes the floor and, according to Olavo de Carvalho's report, “valiantly faced the pretensions of certain militants of the black movement, present there, who, repeating North American rhetorical schemes, sought to belittle the cultural value and ethical aspect of Brazilian miscegenation and presenting our society in stereotyped terms of an irreconcilable conflict of races”. According to the “philosopher” who took refuge in Virginia, a few kilometers from the Pentagon, fleeing once and for all from North American rhetorical schemes, “the congressman, with great acuity, perceived the strong element of cultural imperialism present in these outbursts of somewhat fake blackness , tending to destroy the originality of Brazilian culture in favor of adopting a 'politically correct' discourse financed by foreign foundations”. In the end, Olavo states that he stood “by Rebelo's side against his opponents” (CARVALHO, 2001, p. 204).[vii]

Olavo de Carvalho applauded two essential characteristics of Aldolavism: (i) the black movement is subjected to cultural imperialism; (ii) Negritude destroys “the originality of Brazilian culture”, as the “cultural and ethical value of Brazilian miscegenation” reigns. All are white, and this is an important fact underlying the conservative discourse on the formation of the mixed-race average Brazilian. It is a racial theory about the Brazilian who whitens. Natives and blacks would transmit characteristics considered positive, such as kindness and strength, respectively, the rest being purified and excluded from the formation of the average Brazilian.

But, before going into the merits of the origin of this racial theory – which will be done in more detail in the second part –, so fundamental for the Brazilian extreme right to deny racism without denying whiteness, one must understand the repercussions of this theory for the political project of the listed movements. The Quinto Movimento, specifically, wrote a manifesto signed by Aldo Rebelo, a long manifesto that mixes proposition with analysis about what it considers the essence of the Brazilian.

In his preface, Aldo Rebelo reflects that the “problem is that miscegenation in Brazil is much more than the promise of the cosmic race in the happy expression of the Mexican philosopher José Vasconcelos”. For him, “miscegenation is the full manifestation of our national identity”, whereas, “by attacking miscegenation”, “identitarianism targets what is most profound and permanent in Brazilian national identity and leads us to a belated capitulation , ideological and cultural to the racist doctrine that separated blacks and whites in the United States” (2021, p. 10).

The fight against what he calls identity, a sister concept of gender ideology, embraced by neo-Pentecostal movements, has as its premise the defense of Brazilian civilizing slavery, a common appreciation of nineteenth-century conservatives for the defense of slavery, as will be seen in the analysis about José de Alencar, in Letters from Erasmo (Part II). For Aldo, “in Brazil, abolition was rather a social and not a racial battle” due to “the high degree of miscegenation” (REBELO, 2021, p. 205), which would confirm that Brazilian slavery was democratic to the point of enslave whites and American slavery is undemocratic enough to the point of not enslaving blacks born of rape, precisely because they are mixed race (sic!). Therefore, one of the main ways “to face racism is the social promotion of blacks and mestizos through policies to reduce inequalities, mainly with public and universal education for all Brazilians, regardless of skin color and social condition” ( REBELO, 2021, p. 206). And, from this chain, he considers that anything that impacts or criticizes miscegenation is an attack on Brazilian nature, on the unifying and synthesizing essence of a new race.

Miscegenation would be natural, without rape, without segregating slavery, a democratic slavery, even though Brazil has imported practically five million Africans, mainly after its Independence, being responsible for half of the transatlantic mercantile traffic to the American continent, with an incredibly high mortality rate. higher than that of the USA. To be more precise, while the US imported 305 Africans throughout its history, and had a black population of four million in 1870, Brazil trafficked five million and had, in 1872, an enslaved population of 1,5 million. enslaved out of a total of 1,9 million blacks. While the USA increased its population of blacks by 1.310%, Brazil presented a reduction of 62%. The mortality rate among black Brazilians was incredibly higher than that of the USA, precisely because Brazil controlled the commercial slave trade.

In order to be self-induced to his conclusion, Aldo Rebelo and all the movements described deny historiography, especially certain authors, such as Florestan Fernandes, Clóvis Moura, Luiz Felipe Alencastro, Décio Saes, Jacob Gorender and Manolo Florentino; and the simplest data, such as the number of traffickers, accumulated capital, segregationist laws in the Old Republic, eugenics, the prohibition of black immigration, the Criminal Code, the Juvenile Law and aid and quotas for foreigners and Brazilians whites. In such a way, it builds a memorialist and anti-scientific analysis of reality, like any fascist movement.

An example can be taken from his chapter “Our African heritage”, in which he concludes that Casa Grande & Senzala it was a “definitive work aimed at demolishing racist theories and erecting an optimistic and scientific interpretation of miscegenation and the Brazilian people”. In the same year, 1934, “Freyre organizes the First Afro-Brazilian Congress, an initiative that was supported by the director of the National Museum, Roquette-Pinto, the influential psychiatrist Ulisses Pernambucano and the poet Solano Trindade” (REBELO, 2021, p. 204).

Memorialism continues under the logic of having black friends: “In a memoir, former Minister Serzedelo Corrêa tells that once, when looking for President Floriano Peixoto’s signature at the Itamaraty Palace, during lunch time, he found the marshal at the table in the company of an old black man that Floriano presented as his companion from the battlefields in Paraguay (2021, p. 205). If Floriano Peixoto had lunch with blacks, surely Decree nº 528, of June 1890, which prohibited the immigration of “indigenous people from Africa and Asia”, releasing exclusively for whites, and the Criminal Code of the same year, which prohibited vagrancy, capoeira and religions of African origin and reduced the age of criminal responsibility from 14 to 9 years, must be relativized. Floriano's lunch is included in the list of African influences for Aldo Rebelo. An irrefutable proof that, if there is racism in Brazil, it is aggregator, contrary to what he calls American biraciality.

Roquette-Pinto was a eugenicist who was based on phrenology. He participated in the World Congress of Breeds, in 1911, in London, with tickets financed by Hermes da Fonseca (state funding). There he presented a thousand-page study, in English, entitled Impressions of Brazil in the XNUMXth century, in which he concluded that the whitening of the population was an inevitable march, since “the white mass that arrived in Brazil was practically annulled by the black wave that the Portuguese had been moving from Africa for more than 300 years”.

In addition to the error of strictly linking the Portuguese to the African trade, as Brazil trafficked 1,3 million Africans from 1824 onwards and 2,5 million from 1800 onwards, still registering a population, as already mentioned, of only 1,9, 1872 million blacks in XNUMX, Roquette-Pinto openly advocated a replacement process. The work in Congress was used to attract investments and European and white labor, in order to accelerate the process of building white or whitened Brazilians. For the eugenicist, “the union of these three 'races' would have, in his opinion, formed a varied mestizo population (mulatto, caboclo, cafuzo), which would always tend to revert to the white type, driven by natural selection and the constant increase of new immigrants from the European continent”.[viii] With João Baptista de Lacerda, he concluded that, in 2012, Brazil would definitively rid itself of blacks.

Aldo Rebelo citing the eugenicist and omitting minimal and essential elements is an epistemological and political fact of the conservative movement. José Vasconcelos is also quoted with deference as a great reference for Aldo Rebelo, especially when he talks about miscegenation. The ideologist understands that “the problem is that miscegenation in Brazil is much more than the promise of the “cosmic race” in the happy expression of the Mexican philosopher José Vasconcelos”; it is, in fact, “the full manifestation of our national identity” that “modeled the image we make of ourselves before the world” (2021, p. 10). The Mexican fascist is also mentioned in the Manifesto Nhengaçu Verde-Amarelo, a modernist document that would result in two important dissidences for Brazilian conservative movements: Bandeirantismo and Integralismo.

The cosmic race is at the heart of the question, as miscegenation would be a greater promise than that proclaimed by the proto-fascist Verde-Amarelo movement in 1929. Like the Verde-Amarelistas and the conservatives, Aldo begins the history of Brazil with the arrival of colonization, in which , from that moment on, everything is Brazil. Colonization would have been a process of purification of the Brazilian. For Plínio Salgado, Menotti Del Picchia, Cassiano Ricardo and Guilherme de Almeida, who wrote the manifesto, “the descent of the Tupi from the continental plateau towards the Atlantic was a pre-Cabraline historical fatality, which prepared the environment for the adventurers to enter the backlands. whites”. Thus, “the Tupis descended to be absorbed”, to “dilute themselves in the blood of the new people” (MANIFESTO VERDE AMARELO, 1983, p. 361).

In a similar, if not identical, movement, Aldo Rebelo synthesizes his chapter “The Indigenous Question” with a script that begins in his hometown, Viçosa (AL), which, according to him, everyone would have an “indigenous grandmother” and would display “indigenous ancestry as a kind of attestation of legitimate and authentic Brazilianness” (REBELO, 2021, p. 209). Because they would all be ancestors and therefore have no living indigenous relatives, he is not concerned. He is not concerned because in the conservative movement the disappearance of the indigenous is an element of the formation of the average Brazilian, white like Aldo, because “in a population of 34 million we do not count half a million savages”. However, “it is the only one of the races that subjectively exercises over all the others the destructive action of characterizing traits; it is the only one that prevents the flourishing of exotic nationalisms” (MANIFESTO VERDE-AMARELO, 1983, p. 363).

By starting the indigenous question by reporting that his entire city would descend from indigenous people, he reproduces a structuring element of conservative symbology, especially integralist. The miscegenation with indigenous people as midwives in nationality, even if Plínio Salgado confesses that they were exterminated, for the sake of the formation of the average Brazilian (in conservative Brazilian thinking it is the white person), is used by Aldo as the ontological and epistemic premise. Because he supposedly descends from indigenous people, he is Brazilian. Being Brazilian, he fights against thoughts, theories and “exotic nationalisms”. The exoticism of the time is what he calls identity.

Logically, to naturalize indigenous spirituality after the death of millions, it naturalizes not only death, but also rape: “Without denying maternal ancestry, but also seeking its similarity with it, and without denying Portuguese paternal origin, but reaping from her the other part of his identity, he was the predominant type in the first generation of children of the earth. There, the mestizo is born, mixed in blood, in psychology, in his cosmogony, the complete mestizo, in the soul, in the culture, in the worldview” (REBELO, 2021, p. 192-193). And, of course, as the first generation derives from Portuguese paternity and indigenous maternity, the indigenous paternity and maternity that occurred before the arrival of the Portuguese does not constitute Brazilianness.

In the same way, the indigenous people around the Portuguese, or fighting against the Portuguese, would not be Brazilians; they would become if they participated, voluntarily or not, in the “miscegenation”, the “incorporation”. Therefore, just like conservative movements, Aldo Rebelo and the Quinto Movimento deny the historical existence and connection of indigenous peoples with Brazilianness before 1500, before the arrival of the colonizer, or rather, the European (Portuguese) father. The Fifth Movement is nothing more than a recycled supremacist theory, whose origin dates back to the Green-Yellow Manifesto, Integralism and nineteenth-century movements.

The history of Brazil is American because the mother is indigenous; and is European (civilized) because her father is Portuguese. Indigenous sociability and history are secondary, not to say irrelevant, because they are anti-national or what the Verde-Amarelistas called tapuias (non-colonized “wild” indigenous peoples). This is exactly the great deduction of agribusiness and neo-Pentecostalism, which, unlike paramilitary groups, which understand the indigenous from the perspective of physical elimination, would transform indigenous people into Brazilians through evangelization - Damares Alves is the best example of this relationship, especially about their adoptions of indigenous children.[ix]

This naturalization was carried out by the Verde-Amarelist narrative. For Plínio Salgado and company, “there is no racial prejudice among us”; “we know no religious prejudices”. As Brazil is a “country without prejudice, we can destroy our libraries, without the slightest consequence on the functional metabolism of the Nation's vital organs” (MANIFESTO VERDE-AMARELO, 1983, p. 364). Consistent with the Verde-amarelista ideology, as well as the Bolsonarists, Aldo Rebelo proposes an educational crusade, because, “in the face of the offensive against miscegenation on the part of the market, the media and the academy, it is up to the State to defend it by disseminating it and valuing it in the educational system, in the Armed Forces and in public spaces not yet dominated by identity” (REBELO, 2021, p. 197-198). The encounter of the Portuguese white man first with the indigenous woman and then with the African woman would have been the birth of Brazil. Aldo Rebelo considers himself a true Brazilian when he goes back to his supposed genealogy of disappeared indigenous ancestors – hence the ladainha de Viçosa (AL), a kind of white identity passport. Any scientific knowledge contrary to this nineteenth-century narrative is diversionism.[X]

The fanciful explanation of the genesis of Brazilians, historically created and defended by Brazilian conservative movements, is its method. About the Army, he concludes that “the intense work that involved the formation of the Brazilian Army had mestizos, indigenous peoples and blacks as mentors of our Armed Forces along with Duque de Caxias (REBELO, 2021, p. 16). If the Africans went to the Paraguayan War in exchange for the white landowners not going, and that something around 150 died (battles and diseases),[xi] contributing to the 40% decrease in the number of blacks between 1850 and 1872, it matters little. Statistical, historiographical and scientific denialism is a method, as it is in openly conservative movements of the extreme right, including monarchists.

This method tries to justify all sorts of barbarities. For Aldo Rebelo, the carnage in Canudos would have occurred as a result of the nature of one man, Colonel Antônio Moreira César, who would have been appointed by Manoel Vitorino Pereira, a doctor from Bahia who replaced Prudente de Morais. According to Aldo, “the tragedy in Canudos happened because the Vitorino government sent an unbalanced man there, Colonel Antônio Moreira César, who ended his life in that campaign, a victim of his ambitions and his own political and military mistakes”.

The colonel was “a hard-liner, left over from the repression of the federalist revolts in the south of the country and was responsible for the executions of Anhatomirim, in Santa Catarina, shooting civilian supporters of the movement in retaliation for the shooting of supporters of the Republic by royalist rebels ”. However, “for the sake of fairness, it should be said that Floriano never promoted Moreira César to general (REBELO, 2021, 100). Whew, still good. The Iron Marshal was not a hard-liner, let alone Florianópolis, capital of… Santa Catarina. The culprits are a colonel and a doctor. Obviously, the information is false. Moreira César shot 298 people in 1894 under orders from Floriano Peixoto. Aldo Rebelo is a florianist.

These absurd conclusions in the light of the most banal historiography also explain his proximity to contemporary soldiers. It so happens that the official and unofficial interpretation of the Armed Forces still treats their participation in Canudos as a success, just like the Navy stops the repression against João Cândido and the rest of the black revolutionaries. According to the outcome of the official analysis on an Army portal, “the Army's participation in the defense of institutions” faced “the fanaticism and banditry that for some years brought unrest to the interior of Bahia”.[xii] Banditry is a well-defined concept in historiography. Linking him to Canudos, with a moralistic meaning, has a very obvious function.

The regression continues until the mechanical reproduction of Alencarian conservatism, according to which conservatives saved Brazil from political fragmentation. Like José de Alencar, Aldo Rebelo argues that “the Regency found Brazil plunged into the anomaly of being a monarchy without a monarch and an empire without an emperor”, where “anarchy and four simultaneous civil wars” reigned, threatening “the unity of the country and the integrity of the territory: Farroupilha in Rio Grande do Sul, Sabinada in Bahia, Balaiada in Maranhão and Cabanagem in Pará”. For Aldo Rebelo, “only two institutions were above the aspirations of the caudillos and radicalized regionalisms: the Army and the Navy, bearers by vocation and by nature of the only national conscience capable of curbing the incendiary spirit of local interests and imposing reason by force. national”, so that “the majority conferred on the young emperor would re-establish the reference of the authority and unity of the country” (2021, p. 149).

Aldo deliberately ignored the Malês Revolt, mentioned in less than a line in the chapter “Our African Heritage”, according to which it was a “religious and cultural” revolt. In the same paragraph, the political question, or as I said, “the political struggle of the slaves”, was delegated to “mulattos” and “mixed races of African origin who ascended socially or politically, such as Teodoro Sampaio, André Rebouças, José do Patrocínio and Luiz Gama”, which exposed “all the forms used in the fight against slavery” (REBELO, 2021, p. 203).

Thus, Aldo objectively crowns his conclusion according to which “abolition was rather a social battle and not a racial one” due to “the high degree of miscegenation” (REBELO, 2021, p. 205), apparently, according to his understanding of incorporation and assimilation devoid of a given anti-Brazilian Africanity – to that end, it transforms a revolt of enslaved Africans into something of a “religious and cultural” nature, but not economic and political, elements restricted to “mixed races” (Why would Olavo de Carvalho not agree? Why would Aldo Rebelo agree with Jacob Gorender?). Furthermore, mentioning the Revolt of the Malês would consist in imposing an aura of slavery “on the young emperor”, on the Army and the Navy. Let it be omitted in the name of conservative coherence. It can also be seen that he omitted the word coup at the age of majority of the “young emperor”.

Faced with such a narrative skein, “the Armed Forces have the task of deepening their ties with the Nation as a whole, with its history, memory and identity, deviating from the ideological and political traps that divide the population and the country”. Ideological and political traps are those that remove the country from the “centrality of the national question”, which “is its destiny”. Here, finally, appears the teleology of Brazil, which ontologically and historically is miscegenated. For the fifth movements, “if there is a curriculum reform to be promoted in their educational institutions, it is not to introduce the smuggling of the identity agenda unfortunately already infiltrated in our public and private schools, but on the contrary, it is to value the study of history and interpreters of the Brazilian social formation”, because “a superior officer of the Armed Forces has an obligation to know the work of Gilberto Freyre and Euclides da Cunha, for example, without whom it is impossible to truly and deeply understand Brazil (2021, p. 154).

Black identity or indigenous identity, as political movements that question the naturalized Brazilianness of Aldo Rebelo, are the “ideological and political traps” that attack the “centrality of the national question”. To defend this social theory, the right-wing movements, especially those within the PDT, struggled hard against the black and indigenous movements that denounced the memorialist forgeries of Aldo Rebelo, the white descendant of Tupi, to use the green-yellow jargon.

For Plinio Salgado, Menotti Del Picchia, Cassiano Ricardo and Guilherme de Almeida, the Brazilian would descend from the decimated Tupis, who would be the catholicized and colonized indigenous people, builders of nationality. The tapuias would be the “wild” indigenous people, the enemies, as José de Alencar recalled in Iracema. The tapuia “isolated himself in the jungle to live; and he was killed by the alcabuzes and the enemy arrows. The Tupi socialized without fear of death; and he was eternalized in the blood of our race ”. When Aldo Rebelo discusses the indigenous woman before the white man, naturalizing rape through pure and simple omission, he is referring to the Tupi Verde-Amarelista, as demonstrated by his supposed genealogical memorial.

The tapuia is the Jacobin, since "all forms of Jacobinism in America are tapuias". But what is Jacobinism? It is “isolation, therefore disaggregation” (MANIFESTO VERDE-AMARELO, 1983, p. 362). Aldo and his movement consider the black and tapuia indigenous movements to be Jacobinists, destroyers of the Verde-Amarelista nationality. They are expressions of the current extreme right in the field of the center left, as Olavo de Carvalho opportunely expressed when he pointed out Aldo as an opponent of black students “tendency to destroy the originality of Brazilian culture”. Both Aldo Rebelo and Olavo de Carvalho represent the search for nineteenth-century traditionalism by conservative movements, as well as by segments and institutions of the Brazilian ruling class.

*Leonardo Sacramento is a professor at the Federal Institute of Education, Science and Technology of São Paulo. Book author The mercantile university: a study on the public university and private capital (Appris).



[I] Available in

[ii] At the time, I wrote a text about the symbiosis between the speeches of Aldo and Rui Costa Pimenta with extreme right groups, including neo-Nazis. That article resulted in a lengthy debate with a member of O Bonifácio, a nationalist and conservative group linked to the Quinto Movimento. The first text is available at

[iii] Available in

[iv] The myth of agribusiness as a fundamental sector for the country is a myth produced by agribusiness itself, today intertwined with the financial market and the press, reproduced by Aldo and his performance as a parliamentarian, especially when he was rapporteur for the Forestry Code, when he approached the agenda of the great ruralists. For an analysis of the impact of Brazilian agribusiness, see

[v] On Aldo Rebelo's positive position on agribusiness, especially that product of Bolsonarist policies, see

[vi] For a critique of Katia Matoso's conclusions, see How Nice It Was to Be a Slave in Brazil: Kátia de Queirós Mattoso's Apology for Voluntary Servitude, by Mário Maestri. In: Revista Crítica Histórica, Year VI, nº 12, December/2015.

[vii] CARVALHO, Olav. Gilberto Freyre at USP. In: The emperor of ideas: Gilberto Freyre in question. Joaquim Falcão and Rosa Maria Barbosa de Araújo (eds.). Roberto Marinho Foundation, Rio de Janeiro: 2001, p. 204.

[viii] Souza. Vanderlei Sebastião de; Santos, Ricardo Ventura. The Universal Congress of Races, London, 1911: contexts, themes and debates. Bol. Mus. For. Emilio Goeldi. Science Hum., Bethlehem, v. 7, no. 3, p. 745-760, Sep.-Dec. 2012, p. 756. Quotations from pages 53 and 54 of Impressions of Brazil in the 1913th century: its history, its people, commerce, industries and resources. London: Lloyd's Greater Britain Publishing Company Ltd., 52. p. 58-XNUMX.

[ix] VIEW

[X] This discourse can be seen in an interview given to Brasil Paralelo. Available in

[xi] CHIAVENATTO, Julio José. The black in Brazil: from the slave quarters to the Paraguayan War. 2nd edition. São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1980, p. 204-207.

[xii] The Army, as said, has a completely different position from Aldo's fanciful excuse. For a complete analysis of the army's position, see the text Campanha de Canudos, published on the official website. Available in:

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