Anti-petism got old

Image: Hamilton Grimaldi


Some left-wing intellectuals, from the top of their ivory towers, do not present alternatives and do not mediate, they just practice target shooting against the PT

Certain left-wing intellectuals today live a paradox: they intend to sound militant, but to make critical and allegedly objective analyzes of the largest left-wing party in the country, in the middle of the electoral campaign. From the top of their ivory towers, they do not present alternatives and do not mediate. They practice target shooting against the PT: music to the ears of the elianes cantanhedes and mervals of life.

This is the case of the article by Rudá Ricci published in the magazine Fórum with the title “The PT aged” []. Ricci is president of Instituto Cultiva (NGO from Minas Gerais) which works “to improve public management and presents a relatively simple formula for building a good municipal government, with two basic components: first, listening to – and negotiating with – citizens, meeting their demands and, secondly, to qualify public servants; Ricci's NGO (specialized in distance learning and public management courses) also suggests that “the mayor can create the Citizenship School. In which teachers are trained and regular courses are organized for councilors and neighborhood leaders”.[I]

Rudá, sociologist, former organic militant (and proud, considering his biography in Wikipedia) of the PT, writes platitudes as if he were presenting us with the discovery of gunpowder. Whoever reads it is not informed that for almost three decades scholars, internal tendencies, leaders point out and criticize the strategic, tactical and organizational changes that have occurred in the Party.

Certainly Ricci is not unaware of the rich debate that takes place within the PT, at each Congress, at each internal election process. If he is a serious student of the PT or a party militant, the author does not ignore the complex, permanent internal dispute – nor all the rich elaboration that the currents of the so-called PT left have always built. By the way, even among the majority of the moderate leadership, there are contradictions and nuances, much richer than the caricature drawn by Rudá.

I'm sorry, but you can't take seriously an article that brings statements like: “the base became less demanding and more idolatrous. From being the subject of the construction of the PT, it became the object of market manipulation”.

I ask: is this the result of an ethnographic or sociological research? Is it the author's empirical observation? Is it part of the reflections of someone who is a leftist militant, works in the territories and knows the people organized at the PT bases? Or is it pure president kick from a president of an NGO specialized in teaching public management courses?

Look: it is a fact that the PT is experiencing dilemmas, has a deficit in programmatic elaboration, suffers from not having formed new cadres, has directions that fall short of the challenge of leading the opposition to Bolsonarist neo-fascism. But, this is all known. And these are themes that are intensely debated within the Party.

There is a lack of dialectics, a lack of mediation, a lack of knowledge of the facts in Ricci's article. The author, incidentally, is a PSOL supporter in São Paulo and campaigns for the PT to withdraw Jilmar's candidacy. Nothing is free on this round earth, right?

What draws the most attention is that Rudá kind of forgets about the class struggle in general. Solemnly ignores the operations of the dominant classes, of imperialism against the Lula/Dilma governments and against the PT. See this gem, when he talks about the current leadership group and highlights the “difference with the profile of historical leaders like José Dirceu or Genoíno”

Now, deconstructing the PT's historic leading core was a fundamental movement in the pre-coup period. Or not? Did Dirceu and Genoino resign from the PT leadership or were they arrested in the frame of the pro-imperialist state apparatus?

Ricci disqualifies the reaction of PT members, who attribute all the problems as “the result of a campaign to destroy the party's image”. Oh hell. Does such a campaign not exist? There was no coup in 2016? Wasn't Lula arrested and interdicted? Who is under attack should not defend themselves??

And it gets worse. From a simplifier, the author becomes a cheap mystifier. “Like a chameleon, from a rebel party it became a party of Order”. What party of “order” is this, stigmatized and persecuted?? Has the NGO already warned the bourgeoisie, Trump, the military and Globo that the PT is a party of order? That they are all wrong in deleting Lula from national life? That it's better to put Lula back in and take out Bolsonaro?

Of course, this type of shallow article, which the PT meshes with, is successful. Among good and well-intentioned people, but also among leftists and resentful people. Generate clicks. But, contrary to what Rudá seems to think, the PT's demise will not favor anyone, except the right. Building another mass Left Party is not something trivial, given reality. There is no guarantee that another leftist force will take the PT's place, in case it really loses relevance.

We are going to debate the limits of the PT seriously. Preferably outside the election period.

Incidentally, the sociologist's article also ignores the strength of Lulism. His conclusion (after calling the PT a “cartel party”), “grant” that the PT is a national party that has between 20 and 30% of the vote. But, like us, our party does not “generate passions”!! Really, bro? Is it the best thing you have to present as a summary?

I end by reproducing an excerpt from the thesis that I supported (from the Socialist Resistance), at the last PT Congress:

“The moment demands the replacement of the PT as a radical party in order to be able to defeat the neo-fascist project, resuming the grassroots work, adapting to the characteristics of today's society and the changes that have taken place in the world of work. 29. For us to become a Party capable of resisting and organizing opposition to Bolsonarism, we must be mass, but militant mass. Rotate our actions to return to having organization at the grassroots (in the territories, but also among youth, in feminist and anti-racist activism, in universities). We need to resume intensive political training as a priority, with a view to constituting militant cadres. Rescuing the role of the nuclei, with some deliberative power, strengthening our territorial organization. We are challenged to build collective directions, constituted in a plural and diverse way, in practice – composed of dedicated, prepared and dynamic staff. Generational renewal and reconnection with youth is an urgent condition without which we will perish. The participation of black men and women, indigenous people, women”.[ii]

* Julian Rodrigues, professor and journalist, master in human and social sciences, LGBTI and human rights activist, he is a PT-SP activist.

Originally published on magazine Forum.




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