By TARSUS GENUS*
The fragmentary lies in sequence transformed the presidential locution into the dissemination of absolute lies.
It is good to remember, in this moment of national crisis, its roots in social time. Unresolved historical tasks, the growth of a bureaucracy that reproduces – within the structure of the State – the class and income divisions that exist in society, as well as the cultural background of the governing elites, say a lot about the state of our crisis .
These conditions reveal the character of our public policies and the interests that move our dominant classes. Its origin is in the slave-owning mode of production which – even after being overcome – left its ideology of perverse “command” as an authoritarian legacy of the regional oligarchies. Historical example: before being deposed, President João Goulart tried to initiate a process of land expropriation, up to a limit of 10 km along federal highways, an idea soon aborted by the bourgeois-landlord Military Coup, as it was a “communist” idea. Tite is now “accused” of being a communist because he dares to think like a citizen concerned about his people.
Communists? See the “last speech from the throne”, made by D. Pedro II, on the occasion of the opening of the 4th. session of the Twentieth Legislature”, on May 3, 1889: “On that occasion, you will decide on the convenience of granting the Government the right to expropriate for public purposes, marginal territories of the railroads, which are not used by the owners and can be used for colonial nuclei”. D. Pedro II, at the end of the XNUMXth century, had certainly not yet faced the bureaucratic force of high public administration in a late rule of law, nor the regional oligarchies, already organized to protect their “rights” in the game of modern politics. .
In a peripheral capitalist society, a civil and military bureaucracy alien to the public, considers itself happy – as Anísio Teixeira said – so much for being able to do “good or evil, like true gods”. The interpretation of the Constitution – in each period – tends to reveal, however, not the strength of the norms that should organize society according to the objectives of the Constitution, but how society can be organized without the Constitution modifying life already installed, where the Most do not have common enjoyment of the goods necessary for a dignified life.
When this bureaucracy serves legitimate governments – democratically elected – that govern in accordance with the protocols of political democracy, the flow of institutions exerts a certain corrective power over the bureaucracy and tends to balance what Anísio understood as “good” and “evil”. , public interest and class interests, caste interests and the nation's political vocations, balances that would form slowly – or by leaps – over the centuries, the culture and ideology of the various power nuclei of the classes and bureaucratic castes that control the public mechanisms of power.
Can a “peaceful transition” to fascism occur, with the crumbling liberal representative political order crumbling, without violent action against the resistance of liberal democracy? Probably not, but the hypothesis is not improbable if the hegemonic classes, at a given moment of crisis in a certain country, unify in the understanding that the liberal-democratic regime can seriously harm their immediate interests. It is the moment when its leaders falsify the opposites and can adhere en masse to the fascist hypothesis.
This falsification of opposites has already occurred here in Brazil in an exemplary way, when part of the toucans, pemedebistas and other so-called “democratic” leaders, plus the formless residue of opportunism and liberal corruption, placed on the same plane the “dangers” of a Bolsonaro government and the “dangers” of a Haddad Government, for the future of its businesses.
Today, June 7, 2021, I suppose, will be considered a special day in the crisis political calendar. After the big demonstrations on the 29.05th of May, the 12-page report by The Economist, about the liberal-fascist delirium that plagues us, the gigantic pots of revulsion against Bolsonaro, the informal amnesty of General Eduardo Pazzuelo, the spread by Globe News the obscene meeting of the “Shadow” Cabinet of Health – headed by Deputy Osmar “only 800 dead” Terra – after all, the crisis situation reached the height of its drama.
This apex followed the decent testimony of Dr. Luana “which side to go down from the flat earth” Araújo and is contained in the psychopathic speech of President Jair “that’s Bolsonaro”. It is the moment when the tragedy of the genocidal “herd immunization” generated the highest point of fascist hypnosis: the point of delusional inhumanity, through which fragmentary lies in sequence became a presidential locution producing absolute lies.
Follow the macabre dance. The huge leisure gatherings and the announcement of the Copa America, combined with the request for the filing of the Inquiries into the coup attempts, by the incredible Dr. Aras, put the tragedy on a new level: the deaths of the Pandemic are added to endemic hunger, the indifference of a substantial part of the population for the death (of others) and the Bolsonarist “firmness” of the majority of the two houses of Congress, which “hold ” any attempt at “impeachment”, with deputies and senators lulled by the released amendments and parallel budgets.
All Governments that followed the military regime participated, in some way, in the rules of this game to govern. None of them, however, reached the degree of indecency, militant anti-republicanism, serial lies and “groupist” manipulations and State familiars, as the current Government. To the extent that institutions do not react against this climax of insanity, they reinforce the possibility of a “naturalized” transition to fascism, as a political regime that conquers souls, first through indifference, then through fanatical militancy in successive lies.
Marx spoke of the inexorable march of industrial capitalism as a “strange God who installed himself on the altar beside the old (feudal) idols of Europe and, one fine morning, with a push and a kick knocked them to the ground”, thus referring to the Enlightenment ideas that “reflected the undermining of old political and economic institutions by the growth of capitalism”. Hegel, in the same sense, to the Napoleonic Era, compared this transition to a serpent, when it sheds “only a dead skin (feudalism) – (when) then it will be a beautiful morning, whose afternoon will not be stained with blood”.
The metaphors of Hegel and Marx, based on Diderot, serve to inspire a reflection on the advance of fascism in Brazil, naturalized by the traditional press over a long period, now frightened by its result. It seems that Lula's dialogue with Fernando Henrique can function as a common warning that this transition has already begun, in an apparently peaceful way, but, contrary to what Hegel prophesied about the Napoleonic era, wrongly, after the establishment of evangelical fascism "new era ”, the afternoons will always be dyed with blood.
*Tarsus in law he was Governor of the State of Rio Grande do Sul, Mayor of Porto Alegre, Minister of Justice, Minister of Education and Minister of Institutional Relations in Brazil
