The next day

Christopher Wood, Zebra and Parachute, 1930
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By MAURO LUIS IASI*

How will the far-right masses deprived of their leader react?

“Dona Morte, wrinkled,\ Strolls through the willow groves\ With her absurd procession\ Of remote illusions [...] The moon has bought\ Paintings of Death.\ On this cloudy night \ The moon is mad!” (Federico García Lorca).

Everything indicates that the militiaman occupying the presidential chair will lose the elections. It could be the first round or the second. His proven contempt for the rules of dispute within the framework of the institutionality of the bourgeois State will not be relativized in either case, since what is at stake are the legal actions to be taken against the figure of evil and its offspring in the face of the real possibility of incarceration. What, then, can he do?

If we remember the dynamics of his disastrous mandate, we will see that the militiaman has a modus operandi, that is, he strains to the limit, retreats and then lashes out again, always in his own interest, often raffling off allies and supporters. We have insistently analyzed that, despite the instability that this procedure creates, the permanence of the tragic figure still in the government, in addition to being alive in the electoral dispute, is due to certain power resources that cannot be ignored. The first is the connivance of a military sector that actively participated in his government and developed a kind of symbiosis of interests that unites the military and Bolsonarism. The military clearly assumed the role of guarantors of the unspeakable and endorsed agreements that ensured the survival of their government.

The second is the blackmail of rupture, the threat that several times went far beyond rhetoric, setting in motion its social base and armed apparatuses (militias, police corps, etc.) against the institutions of the Republic. Added to this is the declared support of the SA churches, organizations of con artists disguised as religious institutions that manipulate and control significant social bases and known resources.

The third is the fact that the dominant bloc, big monopoly capital, is divided and one part pledges support to the aspiring fascist either for the services rendered in implementing the big capital agenda, or for the well-known contempt for workers and the poor, or out of an anti-Communist political conviction or in any way remotely resembling social justice.

The problem with the unspeakable is that these resources, in a way, tend to disappear with the real possibility of defeat. Shepherds of other people's money are already preparing the landing and the military are already preparing the continuity of their guardianship, negotiating the secondary to guarantee the essential. Big capital has no friends, it has interests and clearly plays with several alternatives. Today, it is much more concerned with defining the limits of Lula's return to the government than embarking on extreme right-wing adventures. Not out of principle, capital blessed the barbarism of the dictatorship and would not even hesitate to ally with the devil if he guaranteed its profit rates and conditions of reproduction. Big capital needs a certain political stability, a degree of legitimacy to guarantee the exploitation of the working class and the continuation of capitalist slavery – and the fascist on duty cannot guarantee that.

The so-called institutions of the Republic, the judiciary and Parliament, will do what they are told to do. In the same way that they shamefully sanctioned the 2016 coup, just as they blessed the 1964 dictatorship before, they will have no hesitation in finding a legal or legislative formula to justify a rupture or guarantee democracy according to the will of their bosses. Today they are a line of defense against the instability of the abject being that they helped to create.

All this seems to close the circle and seal the fate of the militiaman and his gang, but we must be cautious. There is one aspect that explains the prudence of the bourgeois order in disemboweling the malignant tumor from its diseased body. Even with the potential loss of power and alliances falling apart, the fear persists of a lack of control by the Bolsonarist bases persistently fed with massive doses of hatred, intransigence, prejudices and irrationalism.

The kind of negative fascist leadership that has befallen us has to be better understood. It is not about an organic leadership that structured an extreme right alternative as we classically know it. There is no fascist party, fascist ideology, institutional mediations through which the bourgeois state has assumed the form of a fascist state. Likewise, there is no class organicity, either in the resentment of middle sectors, or in the capture of mass segments and the interest of big monopoly and financial capital.

The crisis of capitalism produced, this time, a diffuse feeling of resentment, dissatisfaction and irrationalism that merges in the relationship with the figure of its leader. A known mechanism in psychoanalysis of projection of the ego ideal into a vertical identification that produces a horizontal identity in those who project themselves into it, as analyzed by Freud in Group psychology and analysis of the ego (1921). This clarifies for us the reason why certain attitudes seen as unreasonable and absurd can respond to another non-visible rationality, such as, for example, the self-praise of virility, the aggressiveness against the institutions that are there to guarantee the order that he is committed to defending. , the vomiting insistence on asserting prejudices against homosexuals, blacks, women, communists, petistas, truly Christian priests and others.

They are not acts that directly aim at electoral dividends. For example, when Lula falls in love with snack thief Geraldo Alckmin, she seeks his support to neutralize the resistance of big capital that preferred him as an alternative in 2018; or when she beckons the evangelical community to dislodge an important segment of the electorate from her opponent's orbit. But, when the imbroxable representative of the forces of evil expresses himself, he is being honest with himself and his soul parched by hatred and resentment, his unhealthy sexuality and his fragility of a toxic masculinity threatened by his unconfessable instincts.

It is vomiting what it ate during the years of ideological war in which the interests of capital had to disguise themselves as a military mission to save a homeland threatened by the monster of communism that would devour the nation, property, free enterprise, religious faith , the family and masculinity of alpha males releasing menacing females who would devour their testicles and paint with their menstrual blood a red flag of a world society ruled by fags and married priests.

The problem is that he wasn't the only one who ate this dreadful dinner. The values ​​gathered here are not simply the result of manipulation, but rather the ideal expression of a capitalist society in crisis that, unable to project the catastrophe it has generated onto itself, needs to shift to something outside of it, even if it is an imaginary enemy. .

The resentment of each person who finds no place in a system that works only for a very few privileged beings is just the resentment of each one, but under certain conditions it can produce, through identification with the resentful leader, a collective force that goes far beyond the sum of resentments. Many times in history this force has been captured by the interests of the dominant classes and put at their service, as in Nazi-fascism, putting humanity itself at risk. The monster, once freed, endangered the long-term interests of the capitalist order, which therefore began to fight the monster it helped to create.

In our case, given the clear interest of a hegemonic segment of big monopoly capital and the current electoral and political dynamics, we must be prepared for what will come from the dissolution of the point at which this enormous and irrational resentment found to unify.

It is not a question of what will happen to the crude fascist beast and his family, since, it seems, he is already starting to rehearse the retreat movement, perhaps negotiating a kind of amnesty or compromise that could avoid his arrest, a line that could to be part of the broad pact to which Lula's candidacy has already shown itself to be committed in the name of pacifying the country.

What we ask ourselves is how the mass of the extreme right deprived of their leader will react. It is at this point that the unique character of the negative leadership of the current president is manifested. As it is not an organic political movement, it does not seem to us that the fascist "withdraws" as he claimed to direct an extreme right-wing opposition to the government of class conciliation. If, while he governed, the unspeakable did not act in the institutional order, what will he say passing to the opposition?

He did not manage to unify the horde that followed him by asserting a collective interest, but by explicitly pursuing his own personal interest, like that fiction of bourgeois society that is the individual. Therefore, the general form in which this ideology manifested itself could only be a collection of abstractions such as Homeland, God, Family and other chimeras in such a way that its followers are liberated in the real existence of their individual beings to be self-indulgent, amoral and sexual perverts. .

In the absence of the leader, because he was arrested or negotiated his survival, abandoning his flock of followers, the non-organic character of the social base can explode in desperate actions of individuals. We are already seeing the germ of this scenario: the murder of a PT supporter at his birthday party, a Bolsonarist farmer murdering his co-worker and trying to decapitate him, a rural producer throwing his 4×4 pickup truck (an expression of his problematic masculinity) into the back of a councilwoman's car, perhaps not as a properly collective action, not even orchestrated, but a tsunami of individual acts that find collective form in barbarism under the impotent eyes of bankrupt institutions and media lamenting the polarization between murderers and the murdered, while sewing a pact that returns to capital the conditions to continue exploring the body of a fractured society.

All of us, myself included, were so worried about a coup, perhaps rationally, that we might have been careless in analyzing one of the possible outcomes of this adventure that the ruling classes and those who bet on the conciliation of classes got us into it. It was predictable that in this country not even barbarism would explode in an organized way.

* Mauro Luis Iasi He is a professor at the School of Social Service at UFRJ and a member of the Central Committee of the PCB. Author, among other books, of As metamorphoses of class consciousness (Popular Expression).

 

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