the horror show

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By LUIZ MARQUES*

The mountain gave birth to lean cattle to hear the Genocide cry out that he will not be arrested

In this country, political time passes quickly. Just yesterday, Rede Globo and the Judiciary praised the heroism of Lava Jato (a dese-patria operation in conjunction with US interests) for doing the dirty job of criminalizing the PT, with convictions and no evidence against the political party organization as such. The same, with regard to the great popular leader in the history of Brazil, whose legal proceedings resulted from the breach of constitutional provisions, various illegalities and spurious use of the lawfare were unmasked, as anticipated by distinguished jurists. Considered “the best chancellor in the world” by international relations expert Daniel Rothkopf (Foreign Policy, October 2009), Celso Amorim is right when he says: “Lula is innocent. The rest is imagination and slander.” Apart from pockets of fake news, no one today disagrees. The truth won.

These were years of media-legal massacre that contaminated public opinion's perception of the left and deconstructed the social achievements of governments, under the responsibility of the Workers' Party (2003-2016). The militant anti-PTism that resulted from the machine for destroying individual and collective reputations, without the due contradictory, helped to uncover the sewer of Brazilian politics, from which Bolsonaro and Bolsonarism emerged.

On the seventh of September, however, the Globe News accompany the neo-fascist events in green and yellow, in fact, in much smaller numbers than expected by the organizers, with the following caption: Protesters with anti-democratic agendas. It's true. But the alluded guidelines have always been on the agenda of the idolater of cowardly torturers, in the twenty-seven years of parliamentary mediocrity of those who made representation in legislative houses a business for the enrichment of “familial”, at the expense of the treasury.

The Judiciary, from the guardians of the Constitution (Federal Supreme Court / STF) to the basic pillar of the Democratic State of Law (Superior Electoral Court / TSE), realized the mistake made due to climate induction that helped to reek a tropical machartismo against critics of inequalities social. The storm began with the denunciation that Roberto Jefferson pointed out, in the distant 2005, in the corruption scheme at the Post Office and at the Reinsurance Institute of Brazil (IRB). The fanciful Mensalão was the subterfuge arranged by the convicted mouthpiece and, still!, president of the PTB, to alleviate the accusations that hung over his head and turn the PT association into a target. The diversionary maneuver was successful, as it corresponded to the expectations of the economic elites and the National Journal.

The horror show offered to the world, with the degree of moral degeneration that has been reached under the ongoing mismanagement, was only possible because the reckoning with the civil-military coup of the 60s left the protagonists unharmed with a tailor-made amnesty to save the intellectual mentors from the State of exception, created with the deposition of the president from the inconclusive “basic reforms”, João Goulart. Mentors who took shelter at the Institute of Research and Social Studies (IPES), the Brazilian Institute of Democratic Action (IBAD), the Survey of the Conjuncture Group (GLC) and the Superior School of War (ESG), consistent with the study by René Armand Dreifuss (1964: Conquest of the State, Voices).

The executors, likewise, were denounced in the magnificent investigation effort that culminated in the prefaced publication by Dom Paulo Evaristo Arns (Brazil: Never Again, Voices), but were not convicted of crimes against humanity. The two-way amnesty, which equated the resistance of individuals to the atrocities practiced by the State apparatus itself, pushed serial barbarities (arrests, torture, murders, disappearances) under the rug. There are poignant reports about the period, such as that of the journalist Flávio Tavares (Memories of Oblivion, Globe). Impunity encouraged pusillanimous spirits, now, on the authoritarian path of neo-fascism.

Dilma Rousseff's speech, as Head of State, on May 2012, 2002, was the trigger for the rupture of the class alliance agreed with the Letter to the Brazilian People (June XNUMX) launched by Lula da Silva in the election campaign that took him to the Planalto Palace. In her speech, the president emphasized that the interest charged by the financial sector was higher than in other countries and the high rates charged by banks burdened individuals and companies. Thing that limited the growth of the internal market, therefore, the industrial development, the distribution of income and the generation of jobs. The speech, which evoked Canaã, was interpreted as voluntary and without support in civil society.

Sociologist Marcos Coimbra, in an article entitled Os Liberais e os Interest (Correio Brasiliense, 06/05/2012), by the way, commented that the reaction of journalists who defend the principle of laissez-faire of the free market, as opposed to any state interventionism, was faster than the bankers and rentiers in denouncing the interference considered heterodox by the tradition established in the Washington Consensus (1989). The newscasts behaved more realistically than the king. God forgive the philistines of neoliberalism.

However, in politics what is right is not just a matter of content, it depends on how majority consensus is constructed. So the pact with the floor above began to crumble. With the basements of police stations and armed and uniformed jagunços, trained in killing innocents in the outskirts, like the one that took place in May of this current year in the community of Jacarezinho – the rupture began with the installation of the National Truth Commission (CNV) , in 2011, which delivered the Final Report in 2014. Brazil was the last nation to take the initiative, in order to bring to light events that democracy must not forget so that they do not happen again, although with a delay of three decades and timid results , compared to those achieved in South Africa, Argentina or Uruguay. It was enough to excite the extreme right against the supposed “revanchism” of the democratic forces. Obscurantism considers the rules of the game of good sociability to be violent.

The middle floors in the country's building are distributed between Bolsonaro's impeachment, support for Lula's return to the Presidency and an unlikely third option, which does not exist for the time being. Among these, significant portions mobilized in more than two hundred cities to counteract the acts of coup leaders who threaten democratic normality, on the almost bicentennial date (2022) of commemoration of Independence in the face of the Portuguese metropolis. Do not assume that the country is divided. Not even in dreams is divided.

Recent surveys by Datafolha and Vox Populi reveal that the hard core (heavy) bolsominion reduces to something around 12% of the population (whites, over 35 years old or retirees, from the middle class). They are those who “believe a lot” in the president and consider the government's performance to be “excellent or good”. Supporters dwindle visibly, which in Brasilia was wide open in the astonishment of Ustranaro: “Where are the people?” When told that the caravans were on their way, it was a pious lie. In the Federal District, as in Paulo Leminski’s poem: “Sol faz / Just didn’t make sense.”

In São Paulo, instead of the expected 2 million, the unsuspecting Military Police calculated that the total number of participants in the demonstration was 125 thousand. This, after two months of regimentation with buses, snacks and money paid by ruralists and the like, in tune with the leadership of evangelicals and state military officials. The mountain gave birth to thin cattle to hear the Genocide shout that he will not be arrested. It was supposed to be a speech, although what came out was the veiled confession of the crimes that the “cheerleader” carries in his pocket. And the solid lack of empathy with the victims of the pandemic and unemployment melted into the air during the afternoon!

* Luiz Marques is a professor of political science at UFRGS. He was Rio Grande do Sul's state secretary of culture in the Olívio Dutra government.

 

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