By MÁRIO MAESTRI*
The fight against right-wing populism by so-called democratic and even left-wing European parties is limited to denouncing it as fascist, Nazi, racist, etc., without any explanation of the reasons for the phenomenon.
The proletariat emerged on the political scene with the Confederation of Equals, at the end of the French Revolution. In the 19th century, it became a socially determining class, advancing its organizational, ideological, political and programmatic construction – Communist Manifesto [1848], The capital [1867], the First and Second Internationals, etc. In 1871, the workers temporarily took over the government in Paris. With the defeat of the Commune, a period of revolutionary reflux and consolidation of trade union organizations and workers' policies began – in Germany, France, England, etc.
In 1905, the First Russian Revolution was defeated and, in 1917, the proletariat seized power in the immense Tsarist Empire. Marxism, communism, Bolshevism and the Soviets galvanized the workers worldwide. The revolution was expected to spread to developed Europe, consolidating the Russian Revolution under the weight of Tsarist backwardness. From 1918 to 1924, it was defeated in Germany, Austria, Bulgaria, Hungary, Italy and Spain, with the support of social democracy.
In the face of revolutionary backlash, the preventive fascist counter-revolutions in Italy in 1922 and the Nazi counter-revolutions in Germany in 1932 were victorious. In the USSR, the bureaucratic and bureaucratic-Stalinist orders were imposed in the mid-1920s and 1930s. With the liquidation of Bolshevism by Stalinism, the Communist International and its sections embraced collaborationism. The Spanish Revolution (1936-39) was liquidated and the revolution ebbed throughout the world.
New revolutionary impulse
Like the First World War, the Second World War [1939-1945] relaunched the revolution. Yugoslavia, Albania, Greece and parts of Italy were liberated by popular and communist guerrillas. Advancing towards Berlin, the Red Army occupied huge regions of Eastern Europe, defined as areas of Soviet influence, in the agreements between the victors of the conflict.
With the US imperialist offensive [Cold War, 1947], and under pressure from their working classes, these nations became “people’s democracies” under the yoke of the USSR – Poland, Hungary, Romania, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, East Germany. The same happened with northern Vietnam and Korea, which were liberated by communist guerrillas supported by the USSR. Respecting the agreements with the imperialist states, Moscow imposed the surrender of weapons in Italy, abandoned the Greek uprising, uselessly challenged the Yugoslav revolution, etc.
In 1949, the Chinese communists liberated the entirety of the immense country, with the exception of Taiwan, which was defended by the US Navy. Despite imperialist repression, social-democratic betrayal and Stalinist collaborationism or compromise, the anti-colonial, anti-imperialist and socialist revolution spread to Asia, Africa and the Americas – Egypt [1952], Algeria [1956], Cuba [1959-61], Iraq [1968], Vietnam [1974], Angola [1975], Mozambique [1975], Iran [1979], etc.
Kill or die
In 1968, the revolution arrived in Western Europe: in France, the workers' movement occupied the country, which the PCF handed back to the ruling classes; in Italy, the proletarian "hot autumn" was fought by the PCI; in Portugal, in 1974, the anti-colonial revolt threatened to turn into a social revolution.
Under the impact of the Vietnam War of Liberation, pacifist and revolutionary movements [hippies, blacks, guerrillas, etc.] shook the USA. The American working class remained resistant to fractures in the consensus, limiting them and allowing them to be exhausted. [1960-70]. World capitalist production experienced its third cyclical crisis, with the exhaustion of the tree of the accumulation of 1947-1973. The world of work was forced to destroy the capitalist order and, to the latter, the destruction of the deformed workers' states, of the revolutionary movement and the reorganization of the world according to its needs.
Crisis of rightdog
After 1917, the revolutionary vanguard converged on the communist ranks, even when they knew little about Marxism. Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht, who died in the German uprising of 1919, were the main revolutionary Marxist leaders outside Russia, who stood shoulder to shoulder with the Bolshevik leaders.
The bureaucratic-Stalinist dictatorship liquidated the leadership of the 1917 Revolution and the Civil War [1918-1923], as well as its memory. The militants of the Left Opposition were murdered in Russia, France, Greece, Yugoslavia, Vietnam, China, during World War II, by fascists, rightists, and Stalinists.
In 1938, the Fourth International was founded with thirty delegates and without a Marxist reference framework, apart from Leon Trotsky. With Trotsky's death on 21 August 1940, the connection with the past, in terms of political experience, was practically severed. Trotskyist groups actively participated in the resistance against fascism, paying a high price for it.
After the conflict, the reorganization of the IV took place mainly under the leadership of militants largely without substantial experience. In 1946, when Ernest Mandel assumed a leadership role in the IV, he was 23 years old, as was Livio Maitan, his right-hand man. The differences in the ranks of the IV were not elucidated using practice as the criterion of truth.
Bordiguism, Titoism, Maoism and Fidel-Guevarism
The other left-wing dissidences of Stalinism did not prosper. With the defeat in Spain, anarchism and the POUM were eclipsed. Titoism did not surpass its initial interest, and so on. In the 1960s, two currents gained wide reach: Maoism and Fidel-Guevarism.
Maoism was based on the prestige of the Chinese revolution, on criticism of Soviet revisionism, and on a peasant version of the socialist revolution. It revived the Stalinism denounced by Khrushchev in 1956. Maoism had a strong impact in Europe and the world with the Cultural Revolution of 1966-1969, and inspired peasant guerrillas.
Maoism went into agony with the agreements with imperialism in 1971-2, with an anti-Soviet bias, followed by the abandonment of support for liberation movements and the officialization of capitalist restoration in December 1978. For some years, Enver Hoxha [1908-1985], from tiny Albania, tried to maintain the Maoist momentum.
Fidel-Guevarism, with its Blanquist and pre-Marxist proposal of unconditional vanguard guerrilla warfare, officially launched at the OLAS meeting in Havana in 1967, won over important factions, especially young people, of the Latin American left to the suicidal adventure, never self-criticized by the Cuban leadership. Bordigism remains inactive today as a rich Leninist sect.
Marché counter-revolutionary
The revolutionary tide of the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s cooled in the late 1970s and was defeated in the late 1980s. The economic and technological stagnation of the countryif you operatearies, who never planned their economies supra-nationally; the imperialist technological dynamism and its exploitation of workers and nations triggered the tsunami that recovered immense areas of the globe lost by capital since 1917.
In 1989, the Berlin Wall fell and in 1991, the USSR dissolved. The political and ideological impact was immense. The counterrevolution spread throughout the so-called socialist and free world. The coups in Brazil [1964] and Indonesia [1865] contributed to the historic defeat; the failure of the May revolutions in France [1968], Chile [1973], Portugal [1976], Afghanistan [1988-9], Nicaragua [1990] and San Salvador [1992].
In that disaster, the US-China alliance [1971-2] played a very important role in an anti-USSR bias and the officialization of the Chinese capitalist restoration in 1978. As far as possible, the world counterrevolution undertook the tendential material and spiritual reorganization of world social life, questioning the independence and national unity of nations that hindered its needs – the USSR, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, Iraq.
Widespread looting
The appropriation of social wealth by financial capital has become radicalized, especially through the payment of public and private debt, transforming indebted states into surplus producers, with privatizations; fiscal and wage austerity; cuts in investments, etc.
Permanent economic and financial expropriation led to very severe global sectoral crises – Greece and Turkey, 1992; Mexico, 1994-5; Southeast Asia, 1997-8; Russia, 1998; Brazil, 1999; Argentina, 2001-2, USA-World, 2008.
Liberal governments; parties, unions, workers' organizations, etc. converted to social liberalism; global organizations ─ IMF, World Bank, WTO, OECD, UN, etc. — have promoted the flexibilization and outsourcing of work; the subordination of the worker to the company; a more fragmented, heterogeneous, unstable working class.
Crisis of subjectivity
The reduction-destruction of productive branches accompanied the universalization of capitalist relations in old and new segments of production and services: culture, school, information, leisure, housing, health, security, sexuality, etc.
Workers, producers of surplus value, the nucleus of social emancipation, grew quantitatively, moving from the West to the East – China, India, etc. They experienced enormous political and ideological regression. The crisis of subjectivity in the world of work, that is, the abandonment of the belief in its program as a solution to the social crisis, is the most dramatic consequence of the successes signaled by the destruction of the USSR.
The prestige of rationalism, socialism, Marxism, and workers was depressed in favor of irrationalism, capitalism, consumerism, individualism, etc. Trade unionists, politicians, and left-wing intellectuals embraced the new reality, defending the death of the revolution, socialism, and labor; the ontologically reformist character of the proletariat, etc.. The defeat of the USSR would prove the obsolescence of Marxism and socialism.
Died in the eggshell
After 1991, peaceful and uninterrupted development of the population's living conditions was promised under eternal capitalism. The destruction and expropriation of the workers' states plunged millions of people into poverty, without a revival of capitalist production on the scale expected. The counter-revolutionary euphoria was transitory.
Despite technical and scientific developments, unemployment, war, nationalism, racism, new diseases, spiritual and material hunger, etc. have become the daily bread of multitudes throughout the world. Capitalist apology has abandoned the promise of universal abundance in favor of defending violence, competition, poverty, etc. as natural human attributes necessary for social progress.
The séAmerican ass
In 1991, the bipolar world order – Soviet bloc – came to an end. versus imperialist. The USA became a hegemonic world power. Imperialism promoted color revolutions in the former popular democracies, which were later incorporated into NATO. During the Yeltsin Era [1991-1999], the Russian Federation, the heart of the dismembered USSR, became a “China Business”. Balkanization sweet of Yugoslavia was followed by the military campaign against Serbia in 1999. In 1991 and 2003, Iraq was attacked in isolation.
The operation, prepared over more than a decade of blockade, aimed to seize the world's second largest oil reserve; weaken OPEC's price regulation and force its price to depreciate; interrupt the trend towards replacing the dollar as the international currency; strengthen control of a region rich in oil and water, with borders with Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Syria, Turkey, and Iran.
The sacking of Iraq was followed by very fierce armed popular resistance. The worldwide demonstrations of February 15, 2003, against the intervention in Iraq, with millions of demonstrators, were the first unified response to imperialism since 1991. In part, the movement petered out due to the “alterglobalization” refusal to support the Iraqi armed resistance.
revolutiontionis islamics
In 2001, the US intervention in Afghanistan began. In the Arab world, the fight against imperialist oppression and conservative governments was carried out through integralist movements., Islamic obscurantists and antisocialists, who expressed the regression of the prestige of Marxism and socialism. Imperialism used them against pan-Arabism, socialism, revolution – Afghanistan, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Pakistan, etc.
In those years, in Latin America, social movements, some semi-insurrectionary – Argentina, Bolivia, etc. –, overthrew pro-imperialist and pro-capitalist governments without proposing to conquer power, due to the lack of workers' leadership and, above all, the marked subjective crisis after 1991.
The new left
On the political and ideological level, the social-democratic left and reformist socialism reduced the anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist struggle to the denunciation of neoliberalism, proposed as the perverse face of reformable capitalism. They embraced utopian proposals that legitimized capitalist and imperialist exploitation — Tobin Tax; compensatory policies; solidarity economy; participatory budgeting, etc.
The lack of revolutionary leadership gave rise to movements to combat war, racism, the destruction of nature, debt, etc., which converged in the “non-global” or “alter-globalist” movement, dominated by left-wing social democracy and the Church, centralized in the World Social Forums, since 2001.
“Alter-worldism” proposed an “other world” within capitalism [“changing the world without taking power”]. It denied the necessary political party organization and conquest of power; the centrality of work; armed resistance. “Alter-worldism” and the Social Forums declined due to their innocuousness.
RevolutionAryans of capital
With imperialist support, the NGO movement defended and defends the downsizing and replacement of the State by private civil society organizations, financed with public resources, for the symbolic, media-based and limited satisfaction of the population's needs – education, health, leisure, work, etc.
In 1991, organizations claiming to be part of the revolution celebrated the destruction of the USSR and the workers' states and then supported imperialist operations-attacks on Yugoslavia, Cuba, Iraq, Syria, Venezuela, Nicaragua, etc. In Brazil, they supported or ignored the institutional coup of 2016.
With globalization and industrial relocation, US Democrats abandoned the manufacturing worker as their electoral base, replacing them with the new globalized middle classes, promoting identity politics [sex, gender, race] for them, which deny social and class struggle. Organizations claiming to be Marxist embraced these policies, always under revolutionary rhetoric.
Crisis 2008
In 2008, the cycle of expansion of capitalist accumulation, which had been overheating since 2002 – the collapse of Lehman Brothers – came to an abrupt end due to the growing gap between the increase in production and the decline in the world's consumption capacity. This contradiction was overcome and postponed through fictitious incomes; war spending; public debt; household debt, etc.
Throughout the world, including China, central banks have been flooding industries and banks with capital, reducing interest rates, etc., leveraging the resumption of credit and capital production and accumulation. They have financed the resumption of private financial and industrial capital with public resources.
The first wave of depression was overcome in one year – in 1929, it took five years. Boosted by state financing, the rationalization, concentration and centralization of production deepened the destruction of productive assets and the exploitation of labor. Little was done about the structural causes of the crisis.
With the normal expansion after the depression [restocking, capital appreciation, etc.] popular pressure for financial regulation and against privatization was buried. The resumption of expansion was supported by a narrower material base, incapable of repeating the previous cycle of accumulation. The structural crisis of capitalism continued, without a medium- or long-term solution.
End of unipolarity
American imperialism bet on globalization. The Clinton administrations [1993-2001] supported industrial displacement towards regions with more affordable and more productive labor and large markets, especially China, Mexico, Thailand, Vietnam, etc. Mao Zedong had advanced the alliance with the US, ending Yankee sanctions against China in 1971-2, and the Chinese Communist Party had embarked on capitalist restoration in December 1978.
The opening to international capital and the mobilization of internal capital made China the “factory of the world”, super-exploiting labor and expropriating state assets. Initially, joint ventures, foreign and domestic, public and private companies produced low-value-added products, flooding the world with them. Located in the most dynamic and populous region in the world, China maintained high growth and exploration rates for 25 years.
In December 2001, China joined the World Trade Organization, supported by the Democratic government. The productive overflow of goods and capital required the externalization of the economy, which was hungry for raw materials that it did not have, transforming China into an imperialist nation, in the Leninist sense of the term. This led it to clash with the USA, with whom it always sought to compromise, due to its intrinsic dependence on international capital and markets.
Initial strangeness
Since 2004, Chinese outward direct investment has grown rapidly, exploding in 2014-16. “One Belt, One Road” aimed to create direct connections between Chinese production and capital and world markets. All roads must now lead to Beijing, the new Rome. The Obama administration sought to halt this overwhelming advance without breaking ranks with China — the “Belt and Road” policy.Pivot to Matter".
The Obama administration organized military and electoral coups in Argentina, Ecuador, Paraguay, Honduras, Brazil, Syria, Libya, Ukraine, etc. With these coups, it aimed to deepen the plundering of wealth, subject their governments and states to a new order, and make Chinese investment and acquisitions more difficult. It was Yankee imperialism on a collision course with China.
In a compromise with China, the Obama administration exerted increasing pressure on Russia, seeking to break up the USSR in 1991, in order to dominate Eurasia and undermine the Russia-China alliance. In 2016, Hillary Clinton, after being defeated by Donald Trump, was preparing to confront Russia and Iran in Syria, supported by NATO.
The first Trump administration [2017-2021] defined China as the greatest threat to US hegemony, entering into a strong commercial confrontation with it. This conflict becomes more complex with the capitalist recomposition of the Russian Federation and the defensive alliance with China — the US believes that it would be defeated in a simultaneous confrontation with both nations.
Time window
The world has become a supermarket for the United States, which buys a lot and produces and sells little, relying on the global hegemony of the dollar. Among the reasons for its relative regression are the aging of its industries and infrastructures, while investing in endless wars. With industrial relocation, the United States has given up and lost hundreds of thousands of industries.
The United States bases its financial hegemony on the dominance of the dollar as a currency of exchange and international refuge, supported by its military and diplomatic strength rather than its manufacturing strength. Its increasing recourse to issuing, lending and devaluing the dollar exports its inflation to the world and devalues its public debt securities.
Racing against time, US imperialism uses its eroding diplomatic, financial and military superiority to promote operations aimed at disorganizing the Russian Federation and China, in a defensive alliance. The Western imperialist bloc, led by the US, decided to attack Russia first, seen as weaker, and then China, the strategic enemy.
Historical European Russophobia, fueled since 1917, also advised prioritizing an offensive against the Russian Federation, which was very close, rather than against China, which was far away. In Europe, the imperialist campaign against China was gaining momentum among the population of the Old World.
China isa próxima, Russia tooém
Donald Trump [2017-2021], representative of secondary Yankee capital focused on the domestic market, faced the Chinese challenge mainly from a commercial perspective. He was prevented from trying to separate Russia from China by Deep State Yankee. During his four-year term, he did not launch any external war. The enormous commercial pressure on China achieved results, although insufficient. Once elected, J. Biden resumed the proposal of indirect hostility towards China, through the radicalization of the restriction and attack on Russia.
With no response to its demands for national security guarantees, Russia radicalized its collaboration with China and prepared for the US and NATO attack on Ukraine, which was revealed with the 2014 coup d'état, the true beginning of the current conflict. The US, NATO and the European Union intended to quickly disorganize the Russian Federation by radicalizing sanctions and isolating it diplomatically and, therefore, from its traditional markets.
The project failed due to: the resilience of the Russian economy, which had been actively preparing for the conflict since 2014; the economic relations maintained mainly with China, but also with India; and the refusal of numerous nations to join the diplomatic siege, especially in the East and Africa. Therefore, the expected broad economic crisis of the Russian Federation did not materialize, and, consequently, its social and political upheaval, with the fall of Putin and the dissolution of its current institutional order, which was expected to be the antechamber for the explosion of the Russian Federation. And the US-NATO were not prepared for a long conflict, like the one that began.
The efforts of numerous nations to gain autonomy from imperialism have also spread to the Middle East, where Saudi Arabia has resumed diplomatic relations with Iran. The rush of nations to join BRICS+ also points in this direction. The decision, driven by China and Russia, to trade bilaterally in national currency is extremely serious for the US, and Trump has promised to combat it harshly.
Ukraine and the workers
The confrontation between the world of labor and capital is the basis of contemporary history, which is expressed through multiple mediations, not always very clear. The fate of workers in the world also depends on the solution to the conflict in Ukraine. A defeat for Russia will be followed by the spread of a Euro-American imperialist dictatorship across Eurasia, which will be transformed into a colony, with workers being reduced to terrible situations.
The conquest of Eurasia and its fertile lands and endless raw materials is an old European colonialist and imperialist project that has been driven forward since the 16th century, with the invasions of Russia by Poland in 1610; by Sweden in 1709; by France in 1812; by Germany in 1914 and, above all, by Nazi Germany in 1941. Russia’s military failure would consolidate the hold of European and US imperialism over European workers. It would also unbalance the correlation of forces in favor of US imperialism and against Chinese imperialism.
It is sheer nonsense to believe – and even more so to propose – that the Russian defeat would open the doors to a proletarian revolution like in 1917. It is important not to forget that, at that time, a mass revolutionary Marxist party existed in the Tsarist Empire, the European proletariat was experiencing a revolutionary upsurge and the world was plunging into a revolutionary era.
A precious time
Yankee imperialism relies mainly on violence to impose itself. In the current period, China is expanding economically without yet being able to impose its will on the world by force. Over the years, it will assume the same characteristics as Yankee imperialism. From now on, Chinese imperialism plays the same role as Western imperialism in the economic exploitation of workers and nations, especially Brazil.
The defeat of the US-NATO would be a historic defeat for imperialism and its allies. It would also usher in a transitional period of less direct imperialist imposition on the world, with more time for the necessary reorganization of workers against all forms of imperialism and exploitation. The victory of the Russian Federation would certainly strengthen the power of the native bourgeoisie over the country, especially since there is no left capable of supporting the necessary defense of Russia's national independence without unrestrictedly supporting Putin and what he represents.
In the unavoidable urgency of combating China, Republicans and Democrats only disagree on the means to achieve it. The current manufacturing hegemony of Chinese imperialism; its technological advances; its growing diplomatic reach; its rearmament; the breadth of its economic activism [Silk Road, BRICS+], etc., narrow the window of time that the US imperialist bloc, in a tendency to regress, has to use its eroding military, financial, diplomatic, etc. superiority to try to set back, disorganize or even destroy the Chinese state.
The war started in 2014
In 2014, the Russian Federation responded to the coup d'état in Ukraine by reincorporating the Crimean peninsula and supporting the autonomist uprising in Donbass, which prevented Ukraine from joining NATO. With the US-NATO refusal to discuss the security guarantees it demanded, the Russian Federation moved forward with the Special Military Operation in February 2022. With no alternative, the Biden administration [2021-2025] was forced to focus almost exclusively on the European conflict, and not equally on the offensive against China, as it had desired.
Donald Trump expresses, above all, backward, non-globalized American capital. In the military sphere, he proposed to overcome the globalized capital’s project of indirect military confrontation with Russia and China, in order to impose his program. He outlines an imperialist activism focused on internal, protectionist American interests, even in confrontation with Europe, Latin America, etc. – Greenland, the Gulf of Mexico, Panama, and so on.
Today, the global management of Western capital has lost the political and action unity that it had under the Democratic administration of Biden and previous ones. And Donald Trump is questioning central initiatives of globalized capital to relaunch its rate of accumulation, which harm the interests it defends – forced and taxable energy, ecological, agricultural transitions, supported by consumers, etc. And the Trumpist attack is also taking place on the ideological level, with the general challenge of the wokism. And the Second Trump Administration promises to reorganize American institutions, as far as it can.
Coexistence pact
This is a situation of instability in the American and Western order that requires, if not an overcoming, at least a pact of coexistence, especially since the interests defeated in the last US elections are extremely powerful. Otherwise, the Western capitalist order will face, in addition to the current economic and financial difficulties, serious dissociative political factors.
The military offensive against the Russian Federation was also a way for imperialism to radicalize the anticipated confiscation of the national autonomy of the nations and peoples that are members of the European Union. This was a hijacking in favor of an authoritarian supranational government and power, exercised through European-Atlantic-globalist institutions, in line with the needs of globalized big capital. This is already happening, on a very broad and growing scale, in the European Union.
The election of Donald Trump put an end to the support that Europeanism received from the United States, which culminated in the so-called Atlanticism. Today, imperialist Europe has become the barricade of the globalist project, against the United States. It refuses to follow Donald Trump in seeking an end to the conflict in Ukraine and in granting the security measures demanded by the Russian Federation, which would pacify Europe. Its militarist policy supports the defeated democratic political and economic forces in the United States. Meanwhile, cracks are growing in the formerly cohesive Euro-globalist bloc – Hungary, Slovakia, Georgia, Austria, Romania, etc. – and popular opposition to it is growing.
Resist until the last Ukrainian
The European Union and NATO, without the US, continue to propose financing the military effort that is destroying Ukraine and propose going beyond the general militarization of the continent, with a return to compulsory military service and military spending far exceeding the 2% proposed a few years ago – they are even proposing 5% of each country's GDP! These measures are justified by the upcoming general war against the Russian Federation, which would intend to invade Europe in 2030, 2032, 2035…
Investments in the defense of freedom would justify the sacrifices of a European population that is continually impoverished. Practically without exception, all so-called democratic European parties – right, center, left – embrace globalist-Europeanist proposals, an offshoot of the liberal and social-liberal policies that they have been implementing for many years. In Germany, the Greens, in government, are drooling blood.
In response to this globalist-Europeanist offensive, without an effective left-wing option, the working class and popular class vote has shifted in favor of right-wing populist parties. In general, they take up and format popular demands abandoned by left-wing and workers’ parties that embraced social liberalism – against supranational governance; protection of the national labor market; defense of democratic rights; against social austerity policies, against attacks on pensions and public health; and for an end to the war.
Ostrich policy
In Germany and France, right-wing populism is already or is preparing to become the leading political force. It has been growing in Switzerland, Sweden, Greece, Spain, and so on. In his fight against the European globalist trench, Trump is seeking to rely on right-wing populism. He is taking Meloni, the Italian Prime Minister, who until recently was Biden’s unconditional supporter, under his wing; Elon Musk is campaigning for the Initiative for Germany, the country’s major right-wing populist party, etc.
In general, the fight against right-wing populism by so-called democratic and even left-wing European parties is limited to denouncing it as fascist, Nazi, racist, etc., without any explanation of the reasons for the phenomenon. And they do not bother to reinterpret the popular classes. In truth, democratic and left-wing parties persist in austerity policies, unbridled warmongering, and attacks on the democratic rights of the population.
A simplistic, conservative and exculpatory interpretation embraced by the collaborationist left and by groups and organizations that claim to be Marxist, not only in Europe. In general, the victory of Donald Trump in the US, of Javier Milei in Argentina and the desperation of the ruling left in Brazil, with the growing rejection of the fifth PT government, always governing for capital, are explained as the result of the advance of a terrible fascist wave that no one knows where it came from, to be fought with increasingly close self-destructive alliances with the so-called democratic right.
* Mario Maestri is a historian. Author, among other books, of Sons of Ham, sons of the dog. The enslaved worker in Brazilian historiography (FCM Editora).
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