Sergio Moro's Ypiranga post

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By CARLOS TAUTZ*

Celso Pastore and 1964: the year that insists on not ending

Sergio Moro's long interview with Pedro Bial on November 16 already reveals who the still powerful Grupo Globo will support in the campaign for the Presidency of the Republic in 2022. Through the Interview With Bial Program, the Globo presented Moro, third in the polls of voting intentions for president, with enormous public exposure. In the long minutes in which he exposed his icy features on the screen, the former judge repeated his only mantra: the fight against corruption.

On the economy, pandemic, hunger and unemployment – ​​guidelines that should permeate any manifestation of every candidate -, Moro and his clear cognitive incapacity repeated platitudes, used ready-made phrases and only tried to say what common sense already knows. He played on the boom, not to say bullshit.

Until that moment, it had not been made by TV or other vehicles of the Globo Group a single mention of Lula's political tour in Europe - despite the fact that the PT, in first place in the same polls of voting intentions, was received as Head of State by French President Emmanuel Macron, applauded standing up in the European Parliament and praised by Olaf Scholz, who is expected to be Germany's next chancellor.

O National Journal, the group's television product, which continues to be one of the main sources of information for the Brazilian middle class, only mentioned Lula's trip, for the first time, in its fourth edition (17). And, even so, not to register the points that Lula scored in Europe.

As per protocol, JN showed that, on the same day, the occupant of the Palácio do Planalto, Jair Bolsonaro, had ridden on a motorcycle provided by the emir of Qatar, on yet another of his useless and highly suspicious official trips to the Middle East.

The mere confrontation of one and another trip of the candidates proves the moral and political smallness that is Bolsonaro.

What moved the Globe disqualify the occupant of the Planalto Palace. With blood in his eyes against Bolsonaro, who always threatens him with not renewing the concession and denies him the publicity that spurts on the All time lap record, Globo compared the galloping mediocrity of the genocidal militiaman with the statesman tour that Lula makes in Europe.

So, to achieve your goal, the Globe nor did he bother to recognize Lula's advance, which the broadcaster has pursued politically for decades and to whose political arrest in 2018 he contributed a lot.

 

The Ypiranga post of Moro

In an interview with a deeply moved Bial, who agreed with every babbling of Moro, the former Minister of Justice revealed who will be his main economic adviser in case of victory in next year's elections.

Moro mimicked Bolsonaro, who once admitted to understanding nothing at all and that he would make the inept Paulo Guedes (the one with the millionaire accounts in tax havens) his minister and economic guru.

Yeah, Moro implicitly adopted the nothing-with-nothing line inaugurated by Bolsonaro. He revealed to Bial that his Ypiranga Post would be Afonso Celso Pastore, a bureaucrat with many services rendered to the business and military dictatorship of 1964, consultancy to Brazilian business groups and active participation in private apparatuses of hegemony (APH) based in the USA.

(Middle-page note: APH is a concept developed by the Italian philosopher Antonio Gramsci to define associations of individuals or social groups organized to disseminate in society and develop and operate in the State concepts, policies and actions that aim to permanently reinforce class values society to which these individuals or groups belong.)

Now, this resurrection of Pastore has strong meanings.

It proves that the reactionary ideas of 1964 and the structures that made them possible are still alive. They are the same ones that produced a class coup 57 years ago led by businessmen and the US-backed military.

But the choice of the old economist also shows signs of how the extreme right in Brazil projects its future strategy. Bolsonaro and his abject subjection to the US and Moro and his secret ties to the Department of Justice are a kind of heirs to the vision according to which Brazil must align itself and submit to Washington's geopolitics.

That's why it's important to reveal Pastore's political trajectory, get to know his organic connections and discover the political line he employs in his work.

Next, I recover the historical line of some of Pastore's positions and links, since he began to link himself with the structure of the State in Brazil.

The raw data below are from the PASTORE entry, Afonso Celso, at the Center for Research and Documentation of Contemporary History of Brazil (CPDOC), at the Getúlio Vargas Foundation (FGV).

Complementary comments must be attributed to the lack of patience with which the author of this text deals with acolytes and minions of 64.

 

Pastore, a selective chronology (like Lava Jato)

Pastore's delivery saga began in 1966, two years after the coup, when he started to advise the then State Secretary of Finance of São Paulo, Delfim Neto. Along with Roberto Campos, Delfim was the dictatorship's neoliberal icon and, in his long-lasting and versatile capacity, he extended his capacity to make suggestions about the economy to PT governments in the 21st century.

In 67, Pastore went with Delfim to the Ministry of Finance and there he joined the Inter-American Committee of the Alliance for Progress. The Alliance was a strategy by then US President John Kennedy to stop the advance of socialist ideas in Latin America (in other words: political and military support to the dictatorships of the time).

Between 73 and 76, Pastore served on the National Bureau of Economic Research, an APH that promoted liberal public policy.

From 74 to 76, at the invitation of USAID (the notorious US agency for pro-USA public policy imposition), he advised the Uruguayan dictatorship. In 75 and 76, Pastore was a trustee of the International Research Institute, another APH, and, in 77, he worked as a consultant for the Brazil-United States Business Committee, which opens space for large US economic groups in Brazil.

In 79, Pastore was Treasury Secretary for the notoriously corrupt governor José Maria Marin, the same man who, now in the 21st century, was president of the Brazilian Football Confederation (CBF) and who is now in prison in the US for corruption.

From 83 to 85 (during the government of the dictator general Figueiredo, the last of the long cycle of 64), Pastore presided over the Central Bank to carry out a very special mission: to adapt monetary policy to the requirements of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and, in 84 , renegotiated the foreign debt, which was never audited.

In 99, he became a member of the Board of Directors of the Gerdau Group – which is perhaps the most organic among the large economic groups in Brazil – and since 2006 he advises private economic groups through the consultancy AC Pastore & Associados.

And here we are all back in 1964: the year that refuses to end.

*Carlos Tautz it's jjournalist and doctoral candidate in contemporary history at the Fluminense Federal University (UFF).

 

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