The Secret of the American Ladies

Dame Barbara Hepworth, Porthmeor, 1969
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By MARCELO RIDENTI*

Author's abbreviated introduction to the newly released book

This book deals with intellectuals – in the broad sense that also includes certain artists and students – who acted in the circumstances of the Cold War seeking personal and collective development in their activity, with emphasis on the public space. Participating, for example, in the international communist circle, as in the case of Jorge Amado and his comrades in Latin America.

Or, on the contrary, resorting to means provided by the Western side, as in the links with the Congress for the Freedom of Culture (CLC), based in Paris, sponsor of the magazine Brazilian notebooks with funds from the United States. And also for the opportunity given to students to get to know Harvard University and the American way of life for free in the middle of the rebellious years. These three passages were analyzed, one in each chapter. Although apparently secondary and still little studied, they allow us to understand the place of the intellectual and the totality of the process that involved his internationalization and financing in the midst of the rapid modernization of Brazilian society.

Titling a book is not a simple task. How to draw attention to an entire work in synthetic words? The first idea was to name it Cultural Cold War: international passages of (under)development. Thus, I would emphasize the theme of culture in the Cold War period in specific passages, encompassing connections of Brazilian intellectuals abroad to build their careers and break with national underdevelopment, approaching the field led by the United States or daring to opt for the Soviet side, that would gain another perspective after the victory of the Cuban revolution, offering a new bias to the communist proposal. Or even taking advantage of the clashes between the powers to negotiate with both sides.

The (sub), in parentheses in the title before the term development, would give an idea of ​​the ambiguity in a society that was modernizing in Brazil, but was unable to break with the inequalities on the periphery of capitalism. A country at the same time developed and underdeveloped, modern and backward, in the key of uneven and combined development, as proposed, for example, by Francisco de Oliveira (2003), in his questioning of the dualism to understand Brazilian society, who compared a platypus, that strange animal that amalgamates characteristics of several species. In turn, the term “passages” in the subtitle would refer to the specific cases addressed. It would also give the idea of ​​transit, of something that needs to pass, on a path that however does not seem to be passing, repeating itself like a dream that is also a nightmare for split artists and intellectuals. In the sense of what Marshall Berman (1986) called the Faustian split of intellectuals in developing countries.

However, the initial title plan was changed, in part because it was too academic. The book intends to go beyond a university audience, even if there is something illusory in this intent, as communication and diffusion barriers are difficult to break. I never give up on the task of maintaining academic rigor and at the same time seeking to reach a wider audience and dialogue. For this reason, the excessive use of sociological jargon was avoided and I tried to be economical in the footnotes, which can be skipped by non-specialists without prejudice to understanding, since they essentially refer to the mention of sources.

Then came a second title possibility, Revolution, counterrevolution and money: passages from the cultural Cold War. It could shed light on the political aspect involved: the pursuit of the Brazilian revolution – whether national and democratic, or else socialist – by certain subjects, while others would be against it, aiming for development associated with the interests of the United States. In the fight for hearts and minds, the great powers supported their allies. With explicit funding in the Soviet sponsorship of the World Peace Council, of which Jorge Amado was leader, as the first chapter discusses; veiled sponsorship in the case of the US support of Congress for the Freedom of Culture with secret funding from the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), a topic investigated in the second chapter on the journal Brazilian notebooks.

The group of women that organized the Inter-American University Association (AUI), analyzed in the third chapter, never hid that part of their funds came from multinational companies, nor that there was any official support from the United States, but they knew how to keep the amount of funding secret. and its specific origin, as they knew that the discovery would remove the interest of participation from leftist students whom they intended to captivate with the stay of about a month in their country.

This title possibility was also discarded, as it would overemphasize the political issue surrounding the revolution and counterrevolution, when the focus is mainly on the internationalization of intellectuals, inseparable from the Cold War disputes for ideological hegemony, when opportunities were seized by the main actors. analyzed. They were far from being puppets, rather they participated in the disputes of the period, within their limits of performance.

Title choice prevailed The Secret of the American Ladies, which is also the one in the final chapter. Seeks to lead to curiosity to find out who the American ladies were, what their secret was. It also refers to the sense of mystery involved in the Cold War, as well as the charm of US culture, inseparable from the temptation to challenge “seductive imperialism”, in the happy expression of Tota (2000). Explicit in the subtitle - Intellectuals, Internationalization and Financing in the Cultural Cold War – the keywords to which the book refers. The title also reveals the greater weight given to the analysis of the western side of the Cold War, in part because I have dealt with communists in other works, but mainly because the cultural, political and economic influence of the United States was and is much more expressive in Brazilian society . This does not mean losing sight of its antagonists, who appear all the time as interlocutors and characters in the final two and longest chapters.

The use of the noun “secret” in the title does not imply condoning a certain reductionism common in studies of the cultural Cold War, as well pointed out by David Caute (2003). It is necessary to avoid framing the theme in simple equations, for example, as if everything could be explained by the covert actions of the great powers, and the research work should be restricted to discovering who financed the actions, who was behind them. Knowing this aspect is fundamental, but not enough, it is necessary to analyze the whole context and verify how it was articulated with the subjects, who were not mere puppets or useful innocents; they acted individually and collectively based on their ideas, ideals, ideologies and utopias situated in a certain historical moment.

The book addresses a fertile period in the history of intellectuals in their relations with politics, on a national and international scale. It seeks to advance in understanding both the experience of agents in the formation and maturation of an intellectual field in Brazil, as well as their insertion in the cultural industry that was consolidating, all in the midst of an international process of development of capitalism and of contestation to it. It was a time of “relative left-wing cultural hegemony” that threatened order locally and globally, but was also part of it, to quote Roberto Schwarz (1978), in a classic article first published in 1970, not by chance during his exile in France, in Sartre's prestigious magazine, Modern Times.

Or, better said, a time of consistent outline of counter-hegemony or alternative hegemony, to use terms from Raymond Williams (1979), inspired by Gramsci (2002). This involves understanding the cultural scene as a whole and the relationships between intellectuals in the context of the Cold War, understood as the political polarization between the Soviets and the North Americans after the end of World War II, which had an influence on all areas of life. society in the period. Being a “cold” war, that is, waged largely ideologically, without the use of weapons – as a war between the powers with atomic weapons would lead to mutual destruction –, its implications in the field of culture gained particular relevance in disputes to conquer adepts, what was conventionally called the cultural Cold War, a term already used at the time studied, as in the title of a well-known article by Christopher Lasch (1967).

There is no way to deal with the cultural Cold War without referring to the internationalization of social and political subjects. The politicization, circulation and transnational connections of intellectuals stand out. Internationalization, it should be noted, is not synonymous with international circulation, as it can occur without the agents necessarily circulating in other countries, as Blanco and Brasil (2018) warned when analyzing the Faculty of Philosophy at USP in the 1940s and early 1950s, where internationalization was mainly due to the high presence of European and North American professors, without necessarily local students and colleagues circulating in academic exchanges abroad. Here, emphasis will be given to international circulation – by Jorge Amado and his colleagues, by the magazine’s participants Brazilian notebooks and the Inter-American University Association –, as part of a broader process of internationalization that required the exchange of ideas, goods and people in transnational connections inseparable from the social and political phenomena of the period.

The central hypothesis is that, both on the American and the Soviet sides, several intellectuals – in their lives and their works – actively participated in the dispute between the great powers, despite not being aware of all the facts and not mastering all the rules. about the game. It cannot be said that they would be useful innocents; they were used by the powers and their institutions, of course. However, they also knew how to intervene and act personally and collectively, without necessarily defining themselves as one of the sides in the dispute, criticizing them and also negotiating with them. It is about helping to understand the modalities of collaboration, dispute and international circulation of professionals working both in the specialized areas of cultural activity and in political life, whether or not they are linked to parties and movements of the left or right in the period of the Cold War. . Then, a differentiated intellectual system matured in Brazilian society, in parallel with the expansion of the cultural sphere, the growth of the media and the cultural industry, associated with rapid urbanization and industrialization.

Powerful international broadcasting networks, hosting intellectuals and artists, mobilized resources and support from both sides of the Cold War. The communists acted in a context of political and ideological rise after the victory against Nazi-fascism – in a post-war period in which the presence of exiled Latin American artists in Paris was significant –, with a strong Soviet influence; then they integrated different strands identified with the Soviet Union itself, or China, later Cuba and other Third World countries. On the other hand, the possibilities of accessing non-communist or anti-communist networks financed directly or indirectly by the United States were even greater, as in the cases of the magazine Brazilian notebooks and the Inter-American University Association (AUI), dealt with below.

There was a complex game of reciprocity that not only made possible the local and international projection of the beneficiaries of the Soviet or North American seal, but also reinforced the political and symbolic legitimacy of the sponsors. It was not about the alleged misuse of art and social thought for purposes that would be alien to them, related to pro-Soviet or pro-American politics, but an intricate relationship with costs and benefits for all agents involved – whether researchers, artists , students or institutions –, which also implied an ideological or utopian dimension that could not be reduced to rational calculation.

The Cuban Revolution of 1959 brought new aspects into dispute in the international geopolitical chessboard of the Cold War, attracting artists and intellectuals from Latin America. In response, the United States sought to pay greater attention to the region, for example, by creating the Alliance for Progress in 1961. An exemplary case of North American cultural action during the Cold War – analyzed in the chapter on liberal cultural internationalization – revealed supported the Congress for the Freedom of Culture (CLC), founded in 1950 in Europe. Only after the Cuban revolution did the CLC begin to dedicate itself more to Latin America in general, and to Brazil in particular, where it financed the magazine Brazilian notebooks, which had several phases in its trajectory, from 1959 to 1970, the subject of the longest chapter in the book. The Congress was a counterpoint to the World Peace Council (WPC), sponsored by the Soviets. The CMP had the participation of Jorge Amado and his comrades from Latin America, as will be seen in the chapter on communist cultural internationalization. Another cultural action in the Cold War was the creation of university student exchanges for Latin Americans, of which the AUI is an expressive example, discussed in the final chapter.

The episodes analysed, without funding from the Brazilian government, made up the extra-academic or para-academic intellectual life immediately prior to the creation of a public national postgraduate system that came to predominate in the intellectual field, also involving a huge increase in students abroad. subsidized by the state. For example, in the 1950s and 1960s, only “about 879 Brazilians received scholarships from Capes and CNPq to carry out studies and research in the main scientific centers of the world”. The volume would increase dramatically from 1970 to 1998, when “the number of scholarship holders can be estimated at 17.000 students”, according to Afrânio Garcia and Leticia Canedo (2004-2005, p.29). Another essential public agency for scientific internationalization, FAPESP, was only created in 1962.

There are three cases of the transition in Brazil from the predominance of a certain type of intellectual – bohemian, without the security of a career, relatively dilettante, inserted in the daily life of cities, focused on intervention in the public sphere with an essayistic production – to the predominance of a professionalized type, with institutional life at the university, working on campus, directed above all at peers as qualified interlocutors, seeking objectivity and universality.

Something similar to what happened in other countries, including those with a much older and consolidated university tradition, such as the United States, analyzed for example by Jacoby ([1987] 1990), who lamented the enclosure and domestication of the intellectual in the academy, a place where, by the way, he himself worked when writing the work. Or France, where the homo academicus it was criticized from another point of view, from within the university institution and with its own criteria of scientificity by Bourdieu ([1984] 2013). This book is centered on the immediate antecedents – especially with regard to internationalization and funding – of the academic professional who came to prevail, occupying positions in a Brazilian university system that seems solid and naturalized, but has its historicity, with no guarantee of perenniality.

The three passages expressed struggles of different intellectual currents in the 1950s and 1960s, constituents of predominantly middle-class, male and white elites or counter-elites who, however, sought to think about Brazilian society and its problems as a whole. Explaining this social composition right away does not detract from its contribution – after all, it is not a criterion for attesting to the validity of knowledge production – although it must be taken into account to understand its scope and limits, contradictions, ideologies and utopias that marked an era whose heritage live on. In the first two cases, the communists and Brazilian notebooks, Paris provided cultural mediation in the relationship between intellectuals and the two great powers. In the last one, by AUI, the French capital was no longer part of the game, indicating the preponderant influence of the United States in the Brazilian intellectual milieu, which would grow even more in the following years.

The result of research carried out largely abroad, with partial results presented at academic events in different countries, this book does not fail to follow the growing trend in the human sciences with an international focus on the investigated themes, particularly studies on the 1960s, with a look less centered on Europe and the United States, but connected with them. An example is the collection The Routledge Handbook of the Global Sixties: Between Protest and Nation Building (Jian et al., 2018). The work brings in the title the complexity of the undertaking: it uses at the same time the consecrated terms, “protest” and “national construction”, and the name widespread in recent years, the “global 60”, which emphasizes the transnational connections of the phenomena of the period , as proposed by authors such as Eric Zolov (2014).

The pertinence of this type of approach should not hide the fact that it also has its historicity, it is linked to the type of knowledge created in the actuality of its production. In a context of internationalization of knowledge that encourages the exchange of students and professors, it was to be expected that investigations would also gain a globalized dimension, even more so as the object itself is loaded with international articulations. This is both a demand for the object – given that international connections were many and complex during the Cold War – and a typical perception of the subject of knowledge at the time of the so-called economic and cultural globalization, entangled with imperialism, which follows the its way, relocated, like the national states, in the world logic of capitalism.

Being in a globalized university favors looking at international aspects, but there is a risk of losing sight of the specificity of that moment, which was also very strongly marked by national liberation struggles. Several researchers recognize this fact, so much so that the subtitle of the aforementioned collection on the “global 60” refers to the theme of “national construction” (Jian et al., 2018). The expression global sixties it has the advantage of condensing the focus on transnational connections, but I prefer not to use it, to avoid the trap of anachronism and not lose sight of specific local constraints. After all, nation-states – even more so at that time – continued to play a relevant role in internationalized spaces which, however, should not be eclipsed by local or national perspectives, but seen in connection with them as part of the same whole.

In the 1960s, the world had already become a “global village”, in the famous expression of Marshall McLuhan (1962). That is, the current trend in international studies does not mean that that era was not thought of from the outset in terms of foreign connections, even by conservative common sense, which accused, for example, the Brazilian left of being a puppet of the Soviet Union, of Cuba, China or the students of Paris. Or by those who detected the influence of the US government in the various military coups in Latin America, tending to explain them by this factor. It is important to avoid the tendency to reduce political action in Brazilian society to emanations from abroad, although they must be considered.

The process of internationalization and cultural circulation has existed in its own way for a long time, even in a country as large as Brazil, with an inclination to imagine itself autonomous in the world and, at the same time, to import ideas from the great centers that sometimes appear " out of place” in a class society that inherited slavery. Since the Empire, foreign missions in Brazil and the incursions of artists and intellectuals abroad, with their own resources, from some patron or later financed by the government, are known. International cultural and scientific exchange has a long history. Here, only some of its episodes will be discussed in the context of the 1950s and 1960s, when transnational experiences were expanding.

Nor does the book intend to exhaust the theme of the internationalization of Brazilians in the cultural Cold War. It is immense and multifaceted, it has many aspects to investigate, such as participation in world youth congresses and others promoted by communist countries and their western counterparts, in theater, cinema, music, literature, dance and arts festivals, as well as student exchanges around the world, scientific congresses, political or professional training courses, institutional internships for state officials abroad, including politicians and the military, in veiled or open disputes to win hearts and minds.

It was a time that also witnessed the emergence of the so-called Third World countries in national liberation struggles, which established relationships between them, also involving cultural aspects, exchanges and travel that deserve to be studied. Although it is not its axis, this book gives clues to think about the horizontal relationships that were outlined in the period in Latin America, as proposed, for example, by Aldo Marchesi (2018), Karina Jannello (2014), and Vania Markarian (2020). Connections between Latin American communists exiled in Paris after the Second World War were discussed, as well as the outline of an academic network in South America through the Latin American Institute of International Relations (Ilari), linked to the CLC, escaping the times of the limits of the predominant relationship between center and periphery.

In short, the topic is broad, there would be no way to cover it in all aspects in this book. Initial versions of excerpts from the research had already been published as articles, now reworked and greatly expanded, forming a new whole, unpublished for the most part. The objective is to sociologically analyze historical passages that can illuminate the understanding of the cultural Cold War in that moment of modernization of Brazilian society. At that time, the participation of intellectuals and artists was increasingly relied on to achieve development, as was intended at the time, whose major structural issues – encompassing the struggles between capitalists and communists, led by the United States and the Soviet Union, later also by Cuba – were addressed from the experiences of people and groups that constituted their relationships and sociability networks.

It is not a question of making moral judgments or of any kind about these subjects, but of understanding aspects of their insertion in the context of the Cold War, which mainly involves their connection with politics and social struggles in the 1950s and 1960s, in the whirlwind of an accelerated process of modernization and internationalization of development proposals. Read through the lens of social structure, this process generated intellectualized middle classes, transiting between the paradise of power circles in the Cold War and the hell reserved for enemies. Structure that was embodied in the lives of characters in this story, negotiating within those circumstances, balancing on a tightrope to carry out their projects of integration, change or revolution.

Central actors and a myriad of supporting actors appear, from famous public figures – such as Jorge Amado, Pablo Neruda, Glauber Rocha, Afrânio Coutinho, Nélida Piñon, Golbery do Couto e Silva, Robert and John Kennedy, Henry Kissinger, Elizabeth Bishop, Robert Lowell, Ilya Ehrenburg, Alexandre Fadeiev, Louis Aragon, Pablo Picasso, Raymond Aron, Jean-Paul Sartre, Simone de Beauvoir, Ignazio Silone, Frida Kahlo, Diego Rivera, Nicolás Guillén, Mario Pedrosa, Celso Furtado, Florestan Fernandes, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, ministers , deans and members of the Brazilian Academy of Letters – to others that are also important, although less remembered.

Diverse people who, not infrequently, seem like fictional characters: a Haitian poet who traveled around France, Cuba and Brazil, winning hearts. A daughter of a traditional family that was committed to nationalist politics, she met a black sailor leader and was exiled with him to Cuba, where they had a son, later returning to Brazil and working with her father in the magazine of the Congress for the Freedom of Culture. An American writer, secret service agent, who meanwhile asked for help to free intellectuals persecuted by the military dictatorship in Brazil, joining an anarchist who had fought in the Spanish Civil War and later was CLC leader for Latin America. There is also a certain lady from Boston linked to the Kennedys, a friend of Kissinger and active in the São Paulo business circle, directing student exchange activities. And another wife of an American millionaire who left her career to accompany her husband to Brazil, devoted herself to cultural dissemination and ended up dying of cancer at a young age, like so many engaged in the US nuclear project on which she had worked.

Not to mention a student from Pernambuco who denounced torture suffered after the 1964 coup while visiting the United Nations (UN) with his AUI group, and later became a political disappeared. Anyway, these are just examples of the many lives that circulate in the pages of this book, inhabitants of intellectual circles, molded in the contours of the Cold War, making their history as they could within the socially established limits of their time. In extreme cases, paying dearly for daring to try to break with them.

An important methodological question in the analysis of intellectuals and their production concerns aspects of text and context, the internal and external factors involved in the investigation of works, as Skinner (1969) has already exposed, for example, warning of the problem of taking positions orthodox internalists or externalists, as well as the risk of anachronism when analyzing works and concepts out of their historical context. Several investigators are prone to analysis that focuses on the text, among which the most interesting for this research are those who recognize the historicity of the work, such as Antonio Candido (1976) and Roberto Schwarz (1978), as they sought to understand the social fabric present inside every literary creation.

The contribution of these authors is taken into account, but the theme of the book requires facing the sociological challenge of analytically composing internal and external factors, going beyond the analysis of creations. A challenge that has been faced in its own way by different authors from different theoretical traditions, who are not limited to the conceptual dialogue between the various works, trying to understand especially the social and historical context of their production, the imperatives of the broader social order, which by are sometimes outside the awareness of the agents, as Heloísa Pontes (1997) rightly pointed out.

Several sources were used that feed each other and will be made explicit throughout the chapters: official documents, judicial processes, exchange of correspondence and other materials deposited in archives in Brazil, France and especially in the United States; period newspapers and magazines; biographies; films; books, memoirs and other texts produced by the analyzed authors; as well as numerous interviews that provide a subjective counterpoint to the other documents, revealing everyday and behind-the-scenes aspects rarely available by other means. In addition, of course, to several bibliographic sources on the cultural Cold War, which already has a tradition of academic studies, involving an endless number of researches, including in Spanish America. But the subject is still relatively little studied, especially in Brazil, and deserves further investigation, in a collective analytical effort with which this book intends to contribute.[I]

As for the theme of biographical trajectories – in the case of Latin Americans exiled in Paris after the Second World War, as well as participants in Brazilian notebooks and AUI –, the book seeks to incorporate the contribution of Bourdieu (1996, 1998), who highlighted the social constraints in life stories, an aspect developed with his own and original focus by Elias (1995), in his work on Mozart. In counterpoint and complementarity with these approaches, an attempt was made to give space to individual agency, to the creative responses of subjects in the face of socially constituted pressures and limits that Williams (1979) spoke of, which is the decisive reference in order to understand reality as a everything complex and contradictory in motion, in the Marxist tradition also of authors such as Michael Löwy (1979). Thus, through another theoretical path, one arrives at the proposition developed by Passeron (1990), when he speaks of “understanding the biographical becoming as a product of an interaction between the action of individuals and the determinism of structures” (1990, p.3) . Or, as the inspiring classic formulation already proposed, men make their history in the circumstances they face, bequeathed by the past (Marx, [1852] 1974, p.335).

That is, this book can be read in the light of Raymond Williams' (1979) understanding of the problem of determination. This requires understanding culture not as a secondary phenomenon, a mere superstructural reflection of economic determinations, but rather as a constituent of the very structure of society as a whole. Determination would mean – in a synthetic formulation – exerting pressure and imposing limits on action, which however has room to give differentiated responses to social constraints, in the tradition of the British author analyzed by Maria Elisa Cevasco (2001). Thus, in the circumstances of the Cold War, we will see how certain artists, researchers and students found creative answers to carry out their projects, as far as possible in the face of the local context and the clash between the two great powers on the international stage, in which they participated in their own way. Circumstances restricted the scope for action and put pressure on it, but action in turn helped shape the structure of society.

The three passages also involve the reconstitution of facts, dilemmas and hopes from the post-Second World War onwards, especially concerning intellectuals in the 1960s, seeking a place within the order to be preserved or reformed, at the limit pointing to a rupture with it. Thus, his performance in the conjunctures of mobilization for the so-called basic reforms in the pre-1964, after the coup d'état, the cultural flourishing until 1968 and the recrudescence of the repression after the edition of the Institutional Act n.5 (AI-5 ), in connection with the international events of the period, such as the Cuban revolution and the prestige of third-worldism, the escalation of the Vietnam War, the world youth and workers’ rebellion, inseparable from the movements of 1968, the Kennedy assassination, the Black Power. That is, through the bias of the three episodes studied, it is possible to reconstitute and understand the so-called rebellious years.

*Marcelo Ridenti He is a professor at the Department of Sociology at Unicamp. Author, among other books, of The ghost of the Brazilian revolution (unesp).

 

Reference


Marcelo Ridenti. The American Ladies' Secret: Intellectuals, Internationalization, and Financing in the Cultural Cold War. São Paulo, Unesp, 2022, 422 pages.

The virtual launch of the book will take place on Saturday, May 7th, at 17 pm, with the participation, in addition to the author, of Rodrigo Patto Sá Motta, Felipe Loureiro and the mediation of Daniela Vieira dos Santos.

Transmission on the channels of Editora Unesp in Youtube and Facebook.

 

Note


[i] Some studies have worked more directly with cultural aspects of the Cold War in Brazil, especially in relation to the United States, as is the case with publications by Elizabeth Cancelli (2017), Dária Jaremtchuk (2014) and Lidiane Rodrigues (2020). There are also a series of contributions to the study of Brazil's international relations with the “brother of the north” and its institutions, especially in the 1960s, in works by authors such as James Green, Carlos Fico, Sergio Miceli, Matias Spektor, Rodrigo Patto Sá Motta , Felipe Loureiro and others. The same goes for the Soviet Union, particularly in polls involving the Communist Party, according to the references discussed in the first chapter. Nevertheless, the term “Cultural Cold War” has been rarely used, much less frequently than in foreign literature. There is a considerable bibliography on the cultural Cold War in Latin America developed in North American universities, which generated books such as the one by Patrick Iber (2015) The formation of the intellectual field and the cultural industry in Brazil was the subject of a thematic project by FAPESP of which I was a part, whose discussions contributed to the initial formulation of the research that gave rise to this book (cf.. miceli; Pontes, 2014), which also had the support of other agencies: CNPq, Capes-Cofecub, Funcamp and Fulbright.

 

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  • Franz Kafka, libertarian spiritFranz Kafka, libertarian spirit 13/06/2024 By MICHAEL LÖWY: Notes on the occasion of the centenary of the death of the Czech writer
  • The society of dead historyclassroom similar to the one in usp history 16/06/2024 By ANTONIO SIMPLICIO DE ALMEIDA NETO: The subject of history was inserted into a generic area called Applied Human and Social Sciences and, finally, disappeared into the curricular drain
  • Strengthen PROIFESclassroom 54mf 15/06/2024 By GIL VICENTE REIS DE FIGUEIREDO: The attempt to cancel PROIFES and, at the same time, turn a blind eye to the errors of ANDES management is a disservice to the construction of a new representation scenario
  • Letter to the presidentSquid 59mk,g 18/06/2024 By FRANCISCO ALVES, JOÃO DOS REIS SILVA JÚNIOR & VALDEMAR SGUISSARDI: “We completely agree with Your Excellency. when he states and reaffirms that 'Education is an investment, not an expense'”
  • A look at the 2024 federal strikelula haddad 20/06/2024 By IAEL DE SOUZA: A few months into government, Lula's electoral fraud was proven, accompanied by his “faithful henchman”, the Minister of Finance, Fernando Haddad
  • Volodymyr Zelensky's trapstar wars 15/06/2024 By HUGO DIONÍSIO: Whether Zelensky gets his glass full – the US entry into the war – or his glass half full – Europe’s entry into the war – either solution is devastating for our lives
  • PEC-65: independence or patrimonialism in the Central Bank?Campos Neto Trojan Horse 17/06/2024 By PEDRO PAULO ZAHLUTH BASTOS: What Roberto Campos Neto proposes is the constitutional amendment of free lunch for the future elite of the Central Bank
  • Hélio Pellegrino, 100 years oldHelio Pellegrino 14/06/2024 By FERNANDA CANAVÊZ & FERNANDA PACHECO-FERREIRA: In the vast elaboration of the psychoanalyst and writer, there is still an aspect little explored: the class struggle in psychoanalysis
  • Introduction to “Capital” by Karl Marxred triangular culture 02/06/2024 By ELEUTÉRIO FS PRADO: Commentary on the book by Michael Heinrich

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