By ERIK CHICONELLI GOMES*
Vargas' political trajectory, spanning democratic and authoritarian periods, can only be understood in light of the economic and social transformations that the country was experiencing
In the early hours of August 24, 1954, Brazil woke up to news that would profoundly shake its political and social structures: the suicide of President Getúlio Vargas. Seventy years after this traumatic event, it is crucial to revisit this historical moment with a focus on the experiences of workers and the popular classes, exploring how Vargas policies shaped social struggles and daily life in Brazil.
Getúlio Vargas' political trajectory, spanning democratic and authoritarian periods, can only be fully understood in light of the economic and social transformations that the country was experiencing. The accelerated process of industrialization and urbanization generated new demands and social conflicts, to which the Vargas government responded with a labor policy that sought to balance the granting of rights with the control and discipline of the labor movement.
The changes implemented during the Vargas era cannot be seen as simple impositions from above, but rather as the results of a complex process of negotiations and struggles between different social groups. Workers were not just passive recipients of state policies, but active agents in the construction of their rights and the formation of their class identity.
The Consolidation of Labor Laws (CLT), established in 1943, is often highlighted as Vargas' great legacy. However, a deeper analysis reveals that this legislation was the result of a long process of workers' demands and struggles, often silenced by the official narrative. Historian Angela de Castro Gomes observes that the CLT was not a simple concession from the State, but a response to social pressure from workers' movements.
Even though it represented advances in terms of labor rights, the government of Getúlio Vargas maintained an ambiguous stance in relation to unions. If on the one hand it recognized the importance of these organizations, on the other it sought to subordinate them to state control, creating a union structure linked to the Ministry of Labor. This policy of co-optation and control left deep marks on the organization of Brazilian workers.
The Vargas economic model, centered on import substitution and strengthening national industry, had significant effects on the country's social structure. Historian Francisco Foot Hardman argues that this process was neither homogeneous nor free from contradictions, generating regional and sectoral inequalities that persist to this day.
Getúlio Vargas' nationalist policy, especially in his second government (1951-1954), generated tensions with conservative sectors and foreign capital. The creation of Petrobras and the defense of the state oil monopoly are emblematic examples of this orientation. However, it is necessary to question the extent to which this nationalism effectively benefited the popular classes or served the interests of an emerging national bourgeoisie.
Vargas populism, often criticized for its manipulative nature, requires a more nuanced analysis. Historian Jorge Ferreira demonstrates that the relationship between Getúlio Vargas and the masses cannot be reduced to simple manipulation, but must be understood as a complex game of negotiations and symbolic disputes, in which both sides had agency and their own interests.
The repression of leftist movements, particularly during the Estado Novo (1937-1945), is a dark aspect of the Vargas legacy that cannot be ignored. The persecution of communists, anarchists and other dissident groups reveals the authoritarian nature of his government, even when it presented itself as a defender of workers. This contradiction exposes the complexity of the period and the need for an analysis that goes beyond simplistic categories.
Getúlio Vargas' suicide in 1954 should not be understood only as an individual act, but as the outcome of a broader political and social crisis. The testament letter he left behind, with its nationalist and popular rhetoric, had a profound impact on Brazilian collective memory, contributing to the construction of a myth that persists to this day. It is essential to critically analyze how this mythification shaped Brazilian politics in subsequent decades.
The Vargas legacy in the field of work is marked by complexities and contradictions. If, on the one hand, it established fundamental rights, on the other, it created structures that limited workers' autonomy. Sociologist Ricardo Antunes argues that it is necessary to overcome the dichotomous view between “rights” and “guardianship” to understand the nuances of this labor legislation and its impact on the formation of the Brazilian working class.
It is also essential to consider how Vargas policies affected different segments of the working class. Working women, for example, faced specific challenges, often neglected by traditional historiography. Labor legislation, despite its advances, also reinforced certain gender roles and did not adequately address the specific demands of women in the labor market.
Likewise, it is necessary to analyze how Vargas policies impacted rural workers, who were largely excluded from the benefits of urban labor legislation. This exclusion contributed to the maintenance of power structures in the countryside and to the deepening of regional inequalities in Brazil.
The educational policy of the Vargas period also deserves critical attention. Although there have been advances in expanding public education, the educational system has remained deeply unequal, reflecting and reproducing existing social hierarchies. Professional education, in particular, was oriented to meet the demands of industrialization, often to the detriment of broader and more critical training.
Nowadays, in a context of globalization and productive restructuring, the Vargas legacy is constantly questioned. Recent labor reforms have reignited the debate about the relevance of CLT in the 21st century. However, it is crucial that this discussion does not lose sight of the historical achievements of workers and the central role of work in Brazilian society.
The figure of Getúlio Vargas continues to generate controversy and divergent interpretations. For some, he embodies the archetype of the populist leader who knew how to manipulate the masses; for others, he was the statesman who laid the foundations of Brazilian modernization. A critical approach must avoid both demonization and glorification, seeking to understand Getúlio Vargas and his government within the specific historical context in which they operated, without losing sight of the contradictions and complexities of the period.
The study of the Vargas period offers important lessons for the present. The tension between authoritarianism and democracy, the relationship between the State and social movements, and the dilemmas of economic development are issues that remain relevant in contemporary Brazilian politics. Critically understanding this period is essential to face current challenges and think about alternatives for the future.
It is imperative to recognize that the Vargas legacy is not limited to the institutions and laws created during his government, but extends to the formation of Brazilian national identity itself. The idea of a strong and intervening State, capable of mediating social conflicts and promoting development, remains an important reference in the Brazilian political imagination, with both positive and negative implications.
When revisiting the 70th anniversary of Getúlio Vargas' suicide, we are invited to reflect not only on the past, but on the future we wish to build. The Vargas legacy, with its contradictions and complexities, continues to influence the political and social debate in Brazil. It is up to us, in the present, to critically reinterpret this heritage, seeking paths towards a more just and democratic society.
The critical analysis of Getúlio Vargas' legacy reminds us of the importance of a historiographical approach that privileges the experience and agency of workers and the popular classes. Only in this way can we truly understand the complexities of the past and its implications for the present and future of Brazil.
*Erik Chiconelli Gomes is a postdoctoral fellow at the Faculty of Law at USP.
References
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FERREIRA, Jorge. The labor imaginary: getulismo, PTB and popular political culture 1945-1964. Rio de Janeiro: Brazilian Civilization, 2005.
FOOT HARDMAN, Francisco. Neither country nor boss! Workers' memory, culture and literature in Brazil. São Paulo: Editora UNESP, 2002.
GOMES, Angela de Castro. The Invention of Labor. Rio de Janeiro: Editora FGV, 2005.
GOMES, Angela de Castro; SILVA, Fernando Teixeira da (Orgs.). Labor Justice and its history: workers’ rights in Brazil. Campinas: Editora da Unicamp, 2013.
GOMES, Erik Chiconelli. National Labor Council: beginnings. Campinas: Editora Lacier, 2024.
NEGRO, Antonio Luigi; GOMES, Flávio. Beyond slave quarters and factories: a social history of work. Social Time, v. 18, no. 1, p. 217-240, 2006.
FRENCH, John D. Drowned in laws: the CLT and the political culture of Brazilian workers. São Paulo: Fundação Perseu Abramo, 2001.
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WOLFE, Joel. Working Women, Working Men: São Paulo and the Rise of Brazil's Industrial Working Class, 1900–1955. Durham: Duke University Press, 1993.
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