By TALES AB'SÁBER*
Revolutionary moments are the belated fruits of the energy and invention of generations of the oppressed, somehow concentrated and concentrated in time.
1.
There is a relationship, little noticed, between the historical experience of the revolution and its abstract social double, the economic crash; in fact, an event that is opposed to it, because conservative.
The awareness of the politics that involves us all is a permanent production process, a true work, whose results in the life of thought and in the strategies of struggle against structured violence are now constituted, as the total potential of the present, but a simultaneous force to the accumulation of experience and senses that come from a long time. It is in history, in the territories of history, with its history of the evolution of consciousness itself, that the human struggle for a dignified life and for justice takes place.
It is a somewhat constant historical fact that the strongest and most demanding works of enlightenment, emancipation and real democracy are almost never resolved immediately. The revolutionary moments – if we still have the right to mention them, along with his thoughts – of the great and rapid global transformations that are taking place – the real leaps in quality, more or less total, in the course of trauma, shock, larger human movements and the delirium of utopia that descends to the ground of the common street – are late fruits of the energy and invention of generations of oppressed people, somehow concentrated and concentrated in time.
However, such solutions, in another world, for a long time oscillated between reality and erasure in furtive, emerging and frustrated times. What is at stake when we say the Revolution, what does this limiting and central political notion in the movement proper to modernity carry as presuppositions, and as a fantasy of its agonistic realization?
Also, in another aspect of modern life, it is historically evident in a much more palpable way that global economic processes and their own explosive pulsation, based on the private control of social and common things, can occur as a kind of great event in the present, reversing something of the general social picture existing literally overnight, at any moment: these are the systemic crashes, always imaginarily rejected and with system before their advent. Financial crashes, which happen in almost predictable, but always denied, historical cycles of capitalism in an advanced state of financialization.
They are the so-called bank failures and, together with them, entire circuits of market life, recurrent, frightening and deadly – there have always been those who threw themselves out of the window when Wall Street stopped, and unemployed millions all over the world. It is the realization of the bankruptcy of fictional economic worlds, sold as real, of projection of the future of money, derivatives, or of inflation of investments and desired gains, which are not confirmed. As is known, prices at this historically negative time are globally corrected as a social trauma, the trauma of the unthinkable of functioning order itself. The crashes, and their social reality of total fraud, are in fact events of great historical importance, local, national, and commonly global, which can disorganize everything in their apparently free form of appearance of subjects, autonomous negative product of men with decision-making power. very concentrated.
Without any revolutionary desire, and its own broad social eroticism, which theoretically spreads over everyone and summons crowds, in the crash the fetishist and police control of common life explodes for a second, derailing the existing general practice, from above, with the emergence unforeseen, but logical, of the hitherto unthinkable.
If these irreversible events, the desiring political revolutions – or the negative crashes of the dynamics of free capital, unwanted but common – redesign and somehow start history from scratch from their own mark, as great references in the orientation of historical time , and in the very necessary fantasy of absolute difference, which attests to the modern foundation of both, they are also results, at very different paces, of slow corrosion, “the slow crumbling of one world, which in a flash discovers another”, he said. the modern philosopher par excellence. They are the result of time, time that constantly strained its weapons of meaning, through political bodies, against the concrete values of its own violence.
Violence that is everywhere in a world that denies it, that explodes without a subject like a crash, while change cannot be experienced as a universal productive meaning, as a revolution. In the crash, as is known, the quantifiable unfolding of the blind gain, the automatic subject, greatly exceeds the common norm, of the general world of exploitation, in its favor. In the revolution, the event comes from the permanent corrosion of the system of violence, to the massive movement of the great difference, the great refusal walking in the streets, incognito knowledge of the generations that gained political appointment in the powers of the moment.
As is known, the crash is the internal rupture in the plan and in the very life of the economy as it is, in the broadest sense imaginable, of calculations that start to turn in reverse, giving news of true general unconscious dynamics, of a world that would like to replace itself on the same terms as it loses, as quickly as possible. In the revolution, on the contrary, it is the general transformation that is precipitated, and it is necessary to insist, to support politically the idea that nothing will ever return to the way it was before. The crash is the revolution of order, on a strictly accounting level, as order itself is founded, without subject and without quality, which in fact wants what it does not want.
It opens up forms of holes, gaps real and unthinkable, inside the economic flows of life, in the daily organization of all commerce, of life as it is and should continue to be. It is not by chance that the great crash usually anticipates the search for totalitarian order in the chaos of the world, giving rise to the fascist revolution, so in vogue, the revolution for order. The real revolution, in turn, is the universal crash, which suspends all order, to which everyone is summoned in an unfreezing movement in the city as subjects in action, renewed by history, which stopped and had a creative beginning from its event. Subjects of the new future, now, of the economy that ended and can only restart as a whole, of what is a fundamental repair of the past, far from fascism.
Within the scope of the desired policy, which appears to itself to be conscious and active, the work of time for the constitution of subjects, between understanding, the name of violence and the forms of struggle, remains continuous, as an intense hope for the renewal of life . But this consciousness of politics, its subjects, know general moments of emptying and reflux of its strength, situations of diving to the point of disappearance in the most common fetishistic offers, defeat in the very order of power as it is produced and reproduced, of the real dismantling by the forces of repression and their normal forms, their organized, everyday and repressive flows of common bad life.
The desire for justice and the cessation of violence, in the sphere of modernity, until yesterday, never ceased to dream, to fable tactics and to imagine futures – although it could be organized or disoriented spectacularly in the life of existing contradictions. In addition to getting lost in integration suggestions, favorable to a particular type of life, such movements for the radically new have also always been, evidently, barred by bullets, under the control of classes and production in their imposition of the very forms of organization of society. life.
The works of socially incarnated criticism, when they appear on the horizon of the present, represent a very profound, or intense, principle of hope that remains because it is original, of erotic civilization and free as potential, as some of the most generous critical philosophers of the 2008th century said. – century of total industrial horrors, from its massacres in various ways, from the speed of the war of dissolution of everything to the real contemporary invention of administered extermination, to be argued in courts, by systematic expulsion from the market and by paralysis of the possibilities of life if move in real world economy accumulation scale: the long XNUMXth century, which ended in XNUMX; and, also, the century of the historical appearance of other circuits of criticism, until then unthinkable.
2.
A philosophical joke about revolution, coming from the informed world, but a national reality somewhat backward in relation to the immense modernizing conflicts that watched from a distance – the world of what we now call only German idealism, Fichte, Schelling and Hegel – at the beginning of the XNUMXth century, the century of the beginning of the acceleration of history and of technology as the geopolitics of speed, simply said that “the French Revolution was the first practical result of philosophy in history”. As you can see, it's not a little joke. A fact of general emancipation against the great organic machines of state power and consummated social violence, the great Revolution was also, according to the cultured invention, the necessary unfolding of the very idea of philosophy, criticism and self-criticism of reason, its dialectic, in life western.
In fact, the great modern Revolution, unthinkable as a social fact until its advent, was prepared as conceptual historical ground charged with social energy by two or three generations of intense and hard-worked Enlightenment thought, with its modern political cosmology that preached individual freedom , tolerance as a right, criticism of despotism as a real up-to-date spirit, science against the superstitious control of lives, and the rationalization of social existence, coupled with the development of the capital form..., as the true practical horizon of new life.
It also occurred at the time of the emergence of a complex urban life, already moved by the charms and powers of the generalized market, which was everywhere, as the Paris of the Rameau's nephew by Diderot, in 1780, the social plan of the Paris of 1850, by Baudelaire and Haussmann, and the foundation of the Paris of the Surrealists, by Benjamin in 1920… voices and bodies as non-instituted social and political powers, with a new practical life, nor with a noble monarchical commitment and even less with religious control, emerging and performative of their emergence, socially new, both bourgeois and proletarian, as it was said. But French..., mind you.
These voices could be heard with some clarity both in the first explosion of the modern mass press, as a machine for the sale of its interests, perfectly described by Balzac, and in the advent of investigation in all imaginable lines of the new destinies of the individual, of a general liberal ethics in suspension, but present and defining the very form of the novel that was beginning to gain the world.
And also, as consecrated by the historical sensibility, then critical of a world that had become visibly irrational, the great Revolution was moved mainly by the concrete force of an immense peasant national hunger, wide material misery of the world of work excluded from life itself, an unrecognized class as a subject in the constitution of the policies of a State that determined its destiny at the most basic levels: hunger and death. “After me, the deluge”, finally dreamed the last king who actually reigned, an increasingly fragile barrier and shield for all forms of an explosion of social energies already present, and which, dissolving everything, would reorganize, between the past and future, everything.
However, as can be seen, the joke of the German philosophers goes a little further: patience, illusory certainty?, of the power of autonomous truth and concrete social justice in men's lives had no limits for the joke form, and thus , in hindsight, came from far beyond, were real aspects of the wider movement of the practical force of reason in the world; a force that, continuous and victorious in history now, as a new brand, in the Revolution, and recognized since the most remote past in the origins of its awakening, could and should only, finally, reach the good island of the emancipated future of man in the sea revolt of history: nation, science, industry, democracy and socialism... A history that was universally disenchanted, on the surface, and which, at the same time, to the real misfortune of all criticism, also held back with all its might, even from the advent of history of the Revolution: the totalizing life of capital in the world.
From the emergence of the autonomous criticality of philosophy, to the event and production in the accelerated social life of the modern Revolution, more than two thousand years have passed. The small concrete time of the realization of criticism in history that the Enlightenment joke played with, but also remembered and insisted on, in its immense metaphysics of politics as its real. Shortly before the Revolution, the agony of time was at its limit, more or less as always: millions abandoned from the social and political life of the new modernity, from the world of the industrial market and its new mass uprootings, reason applied technically in forms of violence that emerged everywhere, they died of hunger, war and without representation, without the right to their own politics.
But the time had come, with the advent of concrete social instruments of redemption. The national constitution gave continent and gave identity to those disinherited from the land itself, for their political organization and their expression, with continuity, in the act of necessary and common rupture with the established power, the action of its destruction, giving rise to the idea of true reason in history, in the very notion, which then emerged, of the birth of history.
The German philosophers committed to the social facts of reason and emancipation, real just freedom, imagined the very long duration of time as the concrete and logical time for the realization of critical principles, so that their strength, now materialized in history, was already there. posited as the material force of the idea, from the beginning, when it appeared in the world.
Or, all this said by a social thinker within the thing itself: “The spirit of the Revolution. He knows, and the others didn't know. It contains the secret of all past times. Only in him did France become aware of itself. It is there that we must seek ourselves, remake ourselves. There is always kept for us the profound mystery of life, the inextinguishable light”.
“I live the spirit of France, where would I learn it if not in myself?”, continues Michelet, and concluding, “about the true nature of the new type of power, established by the protean mark of the rupture in history as its reason, its own becoming: the revolution has as its monument… the void…”.[I] It was the very theory, realized in a total human and social act, of the free leap of the tiger across the sky of history, to reach at some point in the past that redemption which frees the present from all evil. And, reaching what matters there, the original repair of life and the memory of all oppression, such a leap opens the future, through which the little dialectical materialist messiah, a victorious dwarf, hidden in secret and wrapped in ancient modern machinery, according to Walter Benjamin. In fact, the end of prehistory and the beginning of history, in Marx's simple terms, from the same tradition.
Evidently, fifty years later, the still stronger and even more conscious organization of the workers' struggle, with the real immanent political importance of their bodies in social life increasingly affirmed by the industrial reality of work, already openly socialist, would inherit this metaphysics transcendent of reason as the living and irrepressible force of the things of the world, of history as a mode of criticism, as the principle and inevitable result of its own struggle and its irreversible truth.
What needed centuries to be articulated among all men and show its active presence, in France, the strength of workers from all over the world and of popular life as constitutive of the nation and the State – the people, the original subject of political production and hypermodern social life, which Michelet located at the foundation of the very idea of his history – now presented itself, from its necessary place in the general industrialization of life, as the constant life of revolutionary demand, or even the permanently reformist life…, of life itself. nature of the modern state.
At the same time, removing the axis of history from the idea of its process as emancipation, at the same moment of the explosion of the force of labor in history, both the revolutionary Marx and the conservative Tocquevile already observed the nature of the aftertaste, we could say, the end of history: the closed and repetitive time of farces began, of the general policy between the same and the regression, typical of modern monopoly power in a new way, ways of theatricalizing the very suspension of transformation and difference, spectacular fetishism of power itself, capitalism in a state of eternal return.[ii]
Already in the midst of the terrors of extermination and fascist science of the XNUMXth century, on the eve of the second hecatomb of the universal European imperialist dispute, Freud still insisted, in a rare moment of personal optimism: “the voice of reason is tenuous, but over time she makes herself heard”…[iii] What was the first psychoanalyst referring to then? To the primacy of science, civilization, or justice in history? To the gradual advance, already traditional, of the technique fetishized as reason in the common market of alienated things, which organizes the massacre in constant expansion? Or the reason, still unthought of, but always dreamed of, for the Revolution, for effective emancipation in human life?
Yet, in that register of the other modern reason he uncovered, of the radical negative dialectic of desire and symptom, with its own politics of the irrational and the particular – like the social sadism so common necessary to life under capital, or of religions that rationalize the very right to violence, and of religion as capital… as Marx and Benjamin said – the first psychoanalyst saw himself as an enunciator of the need for a broader and greater rational tradition, which speaks softly but always speaks, with constancy, keeping alive at its idealistic way, some would say, non-violent and minimally dialectical, others would say, that strongest desiring dimension of humanity of universal political reason.
Well, the revolution is impossible, but we must act as if it were...[iv] Pierre Clastres already said so, in an even more modern joke, to his friend Bento Prado Jr., in the throes of the 1968th century... A secret kept between his ecological communism against the State, the American indigenous experience, and the barricades of desires , realized?, from Paris in XNUMX. The last Revolution, which, in fact, rejuvenated life under the world order of generalized industry, globalization and the universal commodity. The real beach of the fetish under the hard order of the car under the asphalt, and its normal and permanent war.
3.
Looking at all this from the present, where such reasons and the political world tend to fade away, losing value and cut with the low recognition of the idea of the universal unity of justice against the global reproductive structure of violence, for years we have observed the construction of new categories, of new organizations in the field of struggles against power and violence, other points of view and other sensibilities for history, its constitution and its materiality, producing new fighters for old battles with the very turn of thought.
New organizations of bodies, of integration of groups and concepts, emerge in various social places that cross the very structure of classes, from the perception of other sources that produce political life and powers, of the problematic truths of violence as original as the modernity that engendered them over its five hundred years. Old and traditional forms of violence are reorganized and renamed through the qualified suppressed voice of the victims of violence today, and their multiple experiences of historicity and life.
Struggles emerge from the various worlds of life referred to the multiple groups historically constituted in a condition of oppression. This is to the general political detriment of the perception of the economic monopoly that produces social life. This new dynamic of creating references and politics, with its own theoretical background, revives the social struggle in other problems and in other places, new bearers of the energy of the truth of the present mismatch of instituted violence, different from the traditional ills and impasses of the world of concentrated wealth and its hyper-power of hyper-decision.
In fact, the multiple feminisms, the black movements, the theory of gender as a right of performance, theoretical or concrete decolonialism, the indigenous critique of the Anthropocene, the idea of the multitude, without conceptual unity, as a force of the very multiplication of voices as a dynamic corrosive force of great power, the world of desire as revolution, of sensibility against chaos – and Simone de Beauvoir, Frantz Fanon, Edward Said, Gayatri Spivak, Aníbal Quijano, Judith Butler, Felix Guatari, Angela Davis, Lélia Gonzalez and Beatriz Nascimento, Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt, Suely Rolnik, Eduardo Viveiros de Castro or Peter Pál Pelbart, among many, have been producing among us for a long time – they work to redesign and increase political energy, which always means some form of corporeal social aggregation, of unity of opinion. group in the unity of ideas, camaraderie, new actors and other processes of meaning that are recognized in their critique of power and in their effective practices of struggle.
Political life largely micropolitical, and even minority, but which can generically emerge as a broad act of enchanted crowd, without centrality, against power, say the philosophers behind the idea of the movement, in their way of naming the spaces of violence that fall on the historical specificity of bodies, floating between collectivity and personal life itself.
New ways of naming power and violence and, by naming it, confronting it and calling for new policies, local, virtual or diasporic. Because, as we know, every perception and every construction of a discriminatory category on the forms of power to be realized, every name of historically constituted evil, is a principle of struggle. Certainly not enough fight, but necessarily fundamental fight.
Not by chance, also the new reactionaryism of an extreme right, with its many social strata and in search of identity in the midst of the ruin of the guarantees of a world of transnational globalization, of liquidation of the social value of work, which no longer confirms them... , acts mainly by attacking and refusing point by point these very other modalities of understanding and tensioning human things.
It is the strong negative action of the neo-fascisms convened today – unified only in the leader's desire to possess the State, in the idea of a possible assault on the public for the basic advantages of their corporate circuits – that, without having much or nothing to put in the accelerated world of the generalized dissolutions of contemporary capitalism, denies at the root all named or nameable conflict, creating the very hyperconflict of its own non-adaptation to anything, but in favor of the conservation of some power that stands as a beacon: the real fascist coup. It is characteristic of the right to annul the name of the conflict, the political understanding of the structure of violence, the suppression of which is used as an enjoyment itself, and which has now been unified as a social movement of shock, political crash, of the State.
It is what, very generically, in a broad category, the new melee policies call the maintenance of privileges, which, because they do not want to transform or be transformed, will fundamentally refuse the critical mediation that demonstrates them, denying even what live, in a position of true and traditional bad faith of power, as another critic of modernity has already observed. It is a little more difficult to explain the popular adhesion of the masses, by the millions – 58 million voted for the fascist leader in Brazil in the last election, against 60 million who barred him – to the negative identity, with the legitimacy of the violence liberated from neo-fascism, of the poor and of the oppressed, in our eyes, among them blacks, women and gays without privileges. Would it be the only available privilege, at the real reach of the hand, the fascist group and social aggregation?
In fact, we are in the midst of this great name change of critical forces and commitments, concrete and imaginary, about what affects us as violence and injustice constituted as a reason for power, about what is unacceptable today and about how we must act against it. these forces. The oppressed reframe, based on their own experience with inequality, the name of our blindness.
The change of modern critical categories, which saw in the broad division of classes that produced the world social form known as capital the true nucleus to be thought of the dialectic, towards the general desire for democracy and justice, now takes place in the direction of the multiplication of the reasons and ways of producing lives, even at the limit of all criticism, outside the critical parameters of modernity, analytical and universalist.
The struggle for the multiplicity of historical perspectives of violence, between politics and culture, continues with its calls for the imaginary force of oppressed groups, the singularity of subjects who inhabit and differentiate themselves at the same time from the critical, rational and universal order. The active limits of power that have an incarnated effect are strongly asserted, understood as an attack on the body and the group not represented in liberal democracies – the rejected worlds of racism, sexism, homo and transphobia, ecocides and epistemicides of virtual non-mercantile and non-modern reasons for life – in order to modulate modern generalized criticism as a new epistemic practice of politics, adapting it to the very orders of violence in the sphere of life, aiming at the universality of the justifications of exception in the world of capital.
In these modes of thought and struggle, an abstract and generic democracy that does not engage in the particular name of the pulsation of historical violence, in the sense of all its permanent refusals of forms of difference, is nothing more than the position of predominance and, equally of violence, on the other, the non-self, the unrecognized, kept below the fictional line of rights. At the root of the process is the ethical epistemic critique of Western reason, something common to the radical critical theory of the XNUMXth century, which had also already enunciated it, but, curiously, the entire global critique of political economy is permanently set aside, to the exercise of criticism as a kind of multiple anthropology of the divisions promoted by modernity, in each case and in each different demand.
Many resist this movement even now, as, unconsciously about the very nature of power and violence, they permanently resisted in other times: from this affirmative position we can glimpse the differential and multiple nature, effectively multicultural, of the idea of democracy that surrounds the movement .
There is no doubt that the great modern social critical hope, that experience and presupposed social group known as the working class, the proletariat, the people, which would lead with its own barred social existence to the force of the great refusal and the concrete transformation of the order of power in modernity – with structures of economic background and expressed in its own predominant legislation, the managerial bourgeois democracy for the expansion of capital, and its refused violence – for a long time it can no longer be thought of in those terms of conflict and energy of change of things.
Which doesn't mean it doesn't exist. There are many factors that have led to the weakening of the idea of the working class that the world movement of the modern left has conceived and supported for centuries. Like the disappearance of the large industrial plants that unified a social experience of work until the third industrial revolution and the total export of world industry to East Asia, from the 1990s onwards. And the consequent atomization of the destinies of work in societies of constant fragmentation and programmed of class rights, its general and total referral to the new trend, without guarantees, of the service sector, and its management through abstract network platforms, the new bosses that recognize themselves only in the immediate production of value, in order to to fragment at the level of the individual all social work force and its possible collective politics.
And more. Everything takes place under the force of constant seduction, which even moves the general culture, of contemporary industrial hyper-productivity, of global hyper-markets of an almost geological scale, made common everywhere for the first time in history, the world without experience of plasticity offered by the universal commodity, its surface design and its total order of communication and excitement. The life of common culture has become entirely oriented towards the life of commodities, whether material, which still has some use, or symbolic, which are images and are all over the lowered and emptied general consciousness of work life itself.
The demobilization of the critical life existing in a satisfaction of low enjoyment of the market on the one hand, adherence to the natural order of civil society in the global market, and the general aggregation of the social democratic and labor parties to the management of the expansion of the market and the job, which never happen..., on the other. That is to say, a fully conservative destiny of the general things of money, its expansion and the parameters of its world, in all its moments, even as Marx described them – of production, circulation, political economy, world market, geopolitics global – of regulated and managed merchandise and work, now of the world economy in fact, as the only common horizon, of everyone's life.
The world hegemony of the hyper-productivity culture of the consumer market, its practices of jouissance over its cities, of flows ordered for this purpose, mirrored in the constant and pathetic excitement of current life on the internet, of global hyper-masses that live in the unified psychically Tiktok, machine of reduction, fragmentation and permanent conversion of thought to gossip, banal and group social action of laceration and cancellation as true policies in the life of the generalized image, with constant and reedited celebration of life as it is, thus, pulsating permanently for nothing.
The fragmentary life, which achieves the politicalless unity of the individual in himself, of the general enjoyment of the market, the orientation of fundamental desire, the true and only social bond – if one can speak in such simple terms for this set of political forces and multiple techniques installed – unidimensional, it is the real party of the excited multiplication of the merchandise, the only effective variation, on the hyper-simplified consciences and in search of adaptation, of life in these terms.
The last 30 years, of the world globalization of the circuits of capital valorization, which are culturally only one, altered the organic composition of the subject of work, of social desire and of consumption, towards the universal abstraction of the world citizen of consumption, occupying the place even of the modern citizen of politics. A life that can only be produced, or elude its own reproduction, by the real world hyper-productivity of things of the present, the Chinese industry accelerated in the global flows of containers, and its taking of culture as reality, horizon and necessary daily practice. Concrete productive dimension of things, which the materialist left also tends not to fully name.
It is under this general framework of the reproduction of life and value being valued on a world scale, in a culturally unified way, that the multiple policies of the multiple groups of their own historicity, the movement of criticism of situated identities of the present, are in fact produced. In effect, the situation is one of the predominance of world fetishism, of the illusion of animated things in shopping malls within reach as the main desire, both of the inserted and of the “underprivileged”, as Marcuse said, a world that is in fact conscious and celebrated, or unconscious, just lived.
An order defined by the historical originality of the global hyper-productivity of things, historically very recent, operating on the faded and non-integrated politics of the world of fragmented work, of globally distributed industrial work, with great inequality, to have an effect on the general prices of wages everywhere.
Precisely in this world, barbaric in this way, and not in another, the demands for justice appear, now marked by attachments and sensitive qualities of the experience itself, reasons emanated from the world of life, tending to approximate the body, or the multiple bodies, defined by the movements politicians. These reasons are found in the qualitative unity of his experience from his identification groups, a powerful and primordial psychic movement, with the particular sensitive mark of identity unification, his own creation of identity as politics in the world of generalized razia of the subject as transmission of fetishism.
The necessary collective logic reappears, from the experience of the I marked by a singularity, a historicity to be constituted, in open denial of something of power and by my group of mutual recognition. The cultural wars for recognition of particularities take place on extremely unstable ground of ruined work life and the total logic of the cultural industry, commodity fetishism operating the subject, as a way of unifying life and foundation of the political language to be used, in extremis.
All very far from the structural idea of a general and universal mark, which would be found in everyone and everywhere, of those proletarians from all over the world who would unite in the real moment of history, of the great history as history of humanity, to be created by all. The world of the angel of history, and the messianic breach of revolution at any time, which would rescue in one act the denied tradition of all oppressed people.
The “revolution” became the fight for the particularity of justice and the game without a parameter of universality, given its infinite multiplicity – LBGTQIA +, for example, as the impossibility of fixing the common social focus, and the common thought in the recognition of multiplication of difference... And, therefore, the strong tendency towards the final solution of tensions such as recognition of human and general rights, of the good liberal, finally, the insertion of a sensitive and group particularity in the regime of the other's life practices, mediated by the Existing State and by the laws to be recognized, of the one who denies and excludes the difference of the humanities and constitutes himself in this very refusal of recognition. About the material imbalance and the general competition of stocks, without solution, very little to say.
In a world without solidarity, at least because of the general idea of solidarity itself, justice is unevenly cut and distributed, every demand implies a negotiation of basic recognition of a group of virtual power and rights, which projects its own image as politics. . Justice unfolds into justices, always negotiated within and outside the group, and like the traders of the very image of power, the very self-image of the rich among themselves, it becomes a particular, regional struggle for the fate of the whole, or even closed in on itself. same.
And in the same way, for the same reason, the extreme right-wing identity groups and individuals emerge. Equally defending their right to be themselves, their singular particularity that reorganizes itself in destructive contemporary forms of fascism – without a constructive horizon, adapted to the lawless life of the total market – these groups, unlike the others, have great real protection of concentrated and instituted powers. They are, beyond the farcical theater of their conservatism, a strategic force, and hence the grotesque tolerance of their grotesque. They are the rebels of identity within the order, the revolutionaries of capital's own identity, as João Bernardo said about all fascism.
Since its real protection by police forces, security forces, communication and real sectors of big money is undisguised – those who actually hope to gain position with the movement, profit from the force and the degraded political life – are statements of power, which occur in Brazil as everywhere they arise.
These anti-democratic revolutionary conservatives, a conservative effect of the generalized fragmentation of the idea of justice in the form of regional guidelines, which have become particular, do not need to fight for representation, although they make the calculated theater of their own persecution, since they demand their imaginary equality with the real: the stage of existing capitalism, and its State, are identical to our group, the reality of things is us, our body, because we are the true imaginary circuit of the way power works, given by the very imposition of power.
In this Babel universe, of policies dissolving and permanently reorganizing themselves as the anthropological pulsation of groups, we must admit, we only achieved a minimal union – progressive, civilizing, democratic or socializing, whatever its nature – in the face of the emerging force of fascism.
*Tales Ab´Sáber He is a professor at the Department of Philosophy at Unifesp. Author, among other books by Dreaming restored, forms of dreaming in Bion, Winnicott and Freud (Publisher 34).
Notes
[I] Jules Michelet, History of the French Revolution, São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1989, p. 15.
[ii] Karl Marx, The 18 Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, São Paulo: Boitempo, 2011; Alexis de Tocqueville, Memories of 1848, the revolutionary days in Paris, São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1991.
[iii] The future of an illusion.
[iv] Bento Prado Jr., interview with Piero de Carvalho Leirner and Luiz Henrique de Toledo, “Memories and reflections on Pierre Clastres”, in Pierre Clatres, archeology of violence, São Paulo: Cosac & Naify, 2004, p.16.
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