By IGOR FELIPPE SANTOS*
Brazil has the opportunity to cut the thread of history that maintains the legacy of dictatorship and military guardianship over our democracy.
1.
There is a thread of history that runs through the trajectory of Eunice and Rubens Paiva, which takes thousands to the cinemas to watch I'm still here, and the plan to kill Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, Geraldo Alckmin and Alexandre de Moraes and carry out a coup d'état.
The process of “slow, gradual and safe transition” to democracy, promoted by the dictatorship ideologue and general Golbery do Couto e Silva, obstructed the implementation of measures to overcome the legacy of the military dictatorship (1964-1985) and break with military guardianship over popular sovereignty.
Once again, we are faced with an intervention to carry out a coup plot by the military. There is no doubt that the fingerprints of the Armed Forces are on the coup plot underway in Brazil. This operation did not begin with the “Green and Yellow Dagger” document, with the planning of assassinations using heavy weapons and the possibility of poisoning the authorities.
It had its prelude in the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff, went through the composition of the Michel Temer government and the election of Bolsonaro. It expressed itself openly in the tweet of the then Army commander, General Eduardo Villas Bôas, against the autonomy of the STF (Supreme Federal Court) to judge a request for habeas corpus for Lula.
The military were partners in the Bolsonaro government, with generals acting as ministers and holding strategic posts. More than 6.000 military personnel held positions and were part of the administration, according to a survey by the TCU (Federal Court of Auditors). Many participated in the coup attempt, including members of the Armed Forces command, discrediting the electoral system and electronic voting machines.
One of the most memorable moments was the parade on the Esplanade of Ministries with 150 tanks, tanks, armored vehicles, aircraft and missile and rocket launchers, in August 2021. The military demonstration took place at the request of then-president Jair Bolsonaro, on the same day as the vote on the PEC of the printed vote in the Chamber of Deputies and amid the government's political-institutional conflict with the STF.
After the 2nd round of the 2022 election, groups of Bolsonaro supporters gathered in front of military units across the country to question Lula's victory. In Brasília, a camp was set up in front of the Army Headquarters. Caravans from all over Brazil were organized to visit the site. The military did nothing to obstruct the demonstration.
The Army even allowed dozens of trucks to remain in the military area with banners in defense of the coup with the words “SOS Armed Forces”. Military personnel walked among the protesters, observing and interacting. Maria Aparecida Villas Bôas, wife of the former Army commander, retired general Eduardo Villas Bôas, passed by the camp in a van, smiling and applauding when she pointed out that her husband was in the car.
On January 8, 2023, the Army created a barrier with a line of three tanks at the entrance to the military sector[1] , obstructing access to the Army headquarters. Thus, they prevented Military Police agents from entering the camp to arrest the Bolsonaro supporters who attacked the headquarters of the Three Powers. Instead of defending democracy, they protected the coup plotters.
2.
Now, the Federal Police's Operation Countergolpe has scrutinized in detail the plan to carry out a coup d'état in Brazil. Five members of the criminal organization were arrested and 37 were indicted for participating in the operation to kill Lula, Alckmin and Alexandre de Moraes.
The Federal Police investigation indicted 25 military personnel, including seven generals who were part of the military command during its history. Of the five arrested, who made up the so-called “Operational Nucleus to Support Coup Actions”, four were trained in the Armed Forces, one being a commander and two members of the Special Operations Command, the “black kids”, specialized in high-risk, secret missions.
The military is infesting Brazilian democracy like a kind of termite. Colonies formed within the state pierce its entire structure, consuming everything inside and leaving only a thin outer layer. Each of them has a well-defined structure, with a hierarchy of generals, lieutenants, captains and soldiers.
Termite control requires specialized methods, such as the use of baits, chemical barriers and surface insecticides. In the case of infestations, extensive treatment is required to eliminate nests and reach hidden colonies.
The seriousness of the military plan to kill Lula, Alckmin and Moraes demands structural measures that must be taken by the democratic forces of Brazilian society to defend the rule of law and prevent the country from once again being one step away from another coup d'état.
The arrest of those involved in the coup plot, defeating the amnesty proposal defended by Jair Bolsonaro and his supporters, is an important step, but it is not enough. It is not enough to purge a colony of termites; it is necessary to contain the infestation that is corroding Brazilian democracy and to put an end to the nest that spreads a coup doctrine.
It is necessary to amend Article 142 of the Federal Constitution, which leaves room for the interpretation that the military has the prerogative to intervene to guarantee constitutional powers, law and order. This provision is used by supporters of former President Jair Bolsonaro (PL), including those who orchestrated the coup, such as General Mário Fernandes, for whom “the rifle can never bow before the toga”.
Another urgent change to combat the infestation is to determine the removal of military personnel from public and political functions, imposing the principle of “quarantine” (interval between functions). Thus, those who choose to perform these functions must immediately go into reserve.
To put an end to the process of training coup plotters in the military, the curricula of officer schools must be changed, eliminating anti-democratic values, such as nostalgia for the 1964 Coup and the military regime that exists to this day.
To this end, the recommendations of the final report of the National Truth Commission, who did extraordinary work for two years to examine and clarify human rights violations during the dictatorship.
The Armed Forces need to undergo a profound overhaul, which ensures that they exclusively fulfill their role of dedication to national defense and territorial integration programs, with the elimination of the Military Justice system that fuels corporatism and impunity.
Brazil has the opportunity to cut the thread of history that maintains the legacy of dictatorship and military guardianship over our democracy. There is no popular sovereignty when the decision to respect or not the results of the polls is subject to the Armed Forces.
This year marks the 60th anniversary of the 1964 military coup. President Lula declared that the dictatorship was a thing of the past and that it was not worth dwelling on, but that he would “move the country forward.” Who knows, perhaps this plan to assassinate the president and strike again at our democracy – which left Lula “stunned,” according to Justice Minister Ricardo Lewandowski – will teach us that it is impossible to leave behind a past that has never been fully confronted.
Eunice Paiva spent her entire life fighting for memory, justice and truth. She led the fight to open the archives of the dictatorship, something that was central to settling accounts with this violent chapter in our history. The last years of her life were marked by an advanced stage of Alzheimer's, and it was at this time that Eunice began to repeatedly utter the phrase “I'm still here”.
We need to face this problem, which, far from being a thing of the past, is knocking on our door once again. If the threat continues, it is increasingly necessary to face it head on. Eunice Paiva's strength should serve as an inspiration to us.
*Igor Felipe Santos is a journalist and social movement activist.
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