The coups of neoliberal capitalists

Image: Skyler Ewing


The neoliberal movement constitutes a radical ideological assault on what the State should be

The political coup is articulated and undertaken against a supposed adversary who threatens the power interests of hegemonic groups. Such groups seek to ensure their political and economic domination intensified through the coup, deconstructing democracy with reference to the public sphere, since the commitment to this democracy of the common good makes it impossible to act based on the barbarism essential to the success of the coup based on the exacerbation of privileges of the minority against the rights of the majority.

In the last forty years, developmental capitalism has given way to financial-rentier capitalism. This became reality after the Second World War and, especially, after the neoliberal turn, therefore, financial-rentier capitalism is neoliberal. The contemporary ruling class is mainly a rentier class in association with a techno-bureaucratic-financier class.

The rentiers, many heirs of idle businessmen and social agents, are the owners of capital and turn to technobureaucrats (senior executives) as their organic intellectuals, to manage their wealth. “[…] Financiers are interested in economic liberalism because their role is less and less to finance investments and more and more to manage the wealth of rentiers […]” (BRESSER-PEREIRA, 2017, p. 141). In line with this, rentiers and financiers are interested in their short-term capitalist rents (BRESSER-PEREIRA, 2017 and 2018). To this end, they carry out political and financial coups against governments and people of different countries, and invest in the obscuring and deconstruction of democracy in the public sphere to impose their market dictatorship disguised as democracy, which protects and expands the functioning of their interests in society. private sphere.

By the way, the financial-rentier capitalists inaugurate a new configuration of capitalism based on neoliberalism, with centrality in the subjugation of workers to the maximum condition of exploitation and loss of rights. From this perspective, the capital structure versus work anchored in the wage society is unstructured by the constitution of the condition of the precariat's driving capital.

Work was one of the main obstacles to the continued accumulation of capital and the consolidation of power by the capitalist class in the 1960s, as at that time work had political influence, was organized and reasonably well paid, there was a shortage of labor, both in Europe and in the USA. Therefore, capitalists encouraged immigration and the use of labor-saving technologies, causing unemployment (HARVEY, 2011).

At this juncture, companies increase productivity with the intensive use of technology, breaking with the Fordist structure of generating thousands of jobs, employing fewer people and paying fewer salaries, creating a situation of alternation between employment and non-employment. The destabilization of stables is due to the change in the productive paradigm, with the supremacy of financial capital over industrial capital.

While in classical industrial society, the entrepreneur returned part of his profit to society through the payment of wages and the creation of jobs with the opening of new factories, currently, he responds to the interests of investors and shareholders. Thus, the money that previously partially returned to society is now transferred to the financial market (SANSON, 2021).

According to David Harvey (2011), although neoliberal theory defends state non-interventionism, “[…] one of the basic pragmatic principles that emerged in the 1980s, for example, was that state power must protect financial institutions from all costs […]” (p. 16). This principle emerged from the fiscal crisis in New York City in the mid-1970s. Therefore, neoliberalism expresses a class project that emerged in the crisis of the 1970s to restore and consolidate the power of the capitalist class. In this order, it is up to the State to save the profits of financial capitalists and place the sacrifices on people. David Harvey (2011) identifies the predatory style of the wave of financialization that occurred from the mid-1970s onwards.

Therefore, neoliberalism represents the hegemony of rentier financial capitalists against the working class and its rights. Such capitalists refuse to share productivity gains with workers, excluding them as much as possible from these gains, and transferring the costs of social reproduction to them. “[…] In the United States, for example, family income since the 1970s has generally stagnated amid an immense accumulation of wealth by the interests of the capitalist class. For the first time in US history, workers have no share in any of the increasing productivity gains […]” (HARVEY, 2011, p. 18).

As David Harvey (2021) analyzes well, neoliberalism is a political project of the corporate capitalist class to crush the working class, as reality indicates. The capitalist class put it into practice little by little to transform modes of resistance and control society, the press, universities and all institutions, and it has been successful.

The capitalist class has been implementing a forceful process of precarious work, attacking workers' rights, constituting the global precariat, transferring risks and insecurities to workers and their families and disseminating the logic of the market to all aspects of life. According to Standing (2020), the precariat is flanked by an army of unemployed people, it is a new global social class emerging and in formation, whose individual members do not feel anchored in a life of labor guarantees and do not even have permanent jobs.

The social mark of these individuals is insecurity, they find themselves in a temporary condition of some kind, they do temporary work with precarious income, therefore, the status of temporary labor comprises a central aspect of the precariat. These individuals have relationships of minimal trust with capital and the State, and have none of the social contract relationships of the proletariat. Consequently, they are detached from society which is also detached from them and almost always politically uncommitted, they tend to assert individuality and identity within a collective experience of precariousness.

According to Standing (2020), the precariat is not part of the working class or the proletariat, it lacks a secure identity based on work. Individuals in the precariat, “[…] are prone to listening to unpleasant voices and using their votes and their money to give these voices a political platform of increasing influence […]” (Ibid., P. 15).

When dealing with the American reality, George (2009) mentions the decrease in the size of the working class due to the elimination of jobs for many workers in the last twenty-five years, but does not introduce any discussion about the constitution of the proletariat as a class. We must remember that this period of twenty-five years must be considered according to the publication date of the author's book in 2009, today we can add fourteen years.

George (2009) analyzes that along with the reduction in jobs, social protection policies were deconstructed, consequently the number of poor people increased significantly with the inclusion of members of the unstable middle class. These desperate, abandoned individuals are easily manipulated and find solace in the radical Christian right as the nascent strain of American-style fascism. Churches promise community, utopia and for many revenge and there is no authentic political force against the leaders of evangelical churches. The fanatical leaders of Jesus are sure that they will be blindly followed by their troops like the precursors of Adolf Hitler, Benito Mussolini, among other dictators.

The reactionary religion that satisfies souls exercises social control and corresponds to the interests of efficient elites, for the advancement of the authoritarian, anti-democratic State controlled by business corporations. The right is winning the battle of ideas. Ultraconservative thinking is conquering the minds of most individuals and serving to consolidate ideological hegemony in all areas of society. This trend analyzed by George (2009) can also be observed in Brazil, considering its specificity, and contributed to the 2016 coup d'état with the intensification of this movement and the appropriation of the State with the predominance of an ultra-authoritarian government.

This reality is constructed and exploited by transnational financial-rentier capitalists in a context of neoliberalism. According to Standing (2020), labor market flexibility is a neoliberal demand consolidated in the 1980s to reduce labor costs, and there are many dimensions of flexibility, including salary, employment, employment, that of ability, all dimensions that create conditions of insecurity for individuals, which are then justified as a necessary measure to maintain investment and jobs.

From this perspective, neoliberal capitalists do not like the State, and recognize its interventions as negative, even through poorly centralized governments with planning and regulatory apparatus. Given this, “[…] as globalization occurred and governments and corporations pursued each other to make their labor relations more flexible, the number of people in insecure work arrangements increased […]” (Ibid., P. 22).

The neoliberal movement constitutes a radical ideological aggression on what the State should be (Harvey, 2011). For Milton Friedman, the great guru of the movement for free market capitalism and who was considered the most influential economist of the last half century, “[…] the only functions of the State would be to 'protect our freedom, both against external enemies and against our own fellow citizens: preserving law and order, enforcing private contracts, fostering competitive markets' […]” (KLEIN, 2008, p. 12).

Milton Friedman dedicated his life against those who believed that governments had a responsibility to intervene in the market in order to smooth out its rough edges. He understands, for example, that the integral concept of a state-administered educational system means socialism (KLEIN, 2008). Namely, neoliberalism is a theoretical elaboration of the thought of the Mont-Pèlerin Society that constitutes a project of rupture with the classical liberalism of Locke, Smith and others, in their conception of man, of economic value, of the State, of history and other aspects.

This society was founded in 1947 by Friedrich Hayek, Ludwig von Mises, Karl Popper, Frank Knight and other liberals, most of them economists, although the elaboration of their ideas began in 1927, with the work liberalism, developed by Popper, Hayek, Friedman and Mises. Mises' position in supporting neoliberalism is that liberalism is a political program that has not been fully realized, since the social liberalism of John Stuart Mill, Keynes, Hobhouse and Dewey implies state interventionism, which he considers to be socialists in disguise (VERGARA ESTÉVEZ; MENÉNDEZ MARTIN, 2017).

Rosenmann (2023) adds that neoliberals' opposition and criticism of Keynes' principles culminated in neoliberal doctrine. For Keynes, “[…] development depended on social policies aimed at ensuring full employment and the redistribution of income through state control of prices, inflation and wages […]” (ROSENMANN, 2023, p. 1) .

However, financial-rent capitalists only want state intervention that ensures their interests, including deregulation and the elimination of the minimum guarantees of fundamental and social rights for the working class. They aim to eliminate the public sphere, guarantee total freedom for corporations and minimum social spending. The aforementioned capitalists do not accept any regulatory intervention from the State to contain their barbarities and appropriate it with the technocrats who drive their wealth, subjugating it to their political and financial interests.

In this direction, such capitalists strike blows against governments that reaffirm the public sphere, using as a reference the neoliberal economic doctrine of the predominance of market dictatorship disguised as a democracy committed to individual freedom and the creation of entrepreneurs. Coups are recurrent and perpetuate the trivialization of evil in societies that are continually cornered and alienated in a context of crisis, shock, fear, misery and violence. It is essential to recognize and understand this context, reaffirming our history and the expression of our humanity to overcome the barbarity instituted by the current ruling class.

In this sense, we must establish a dialogue with authors who reveal the tricks of this domination and how it works, in a situation in which the majority of authors reproduce the culture of performance and results and condone the established power in a behaved, docile and functionalist manner. Furthermore, his neoliberal productivist ego of servitude to capitalists is immensely greater than his intelligence, in the incessant quest to identify with the power of the dominant class and with his habitus, for eternally postponed rewards. Everything indicates that the entrepreneurial authors of neoliberal capitalism are not intellectuals, they are voluntary technocrats of this capitalism. They lose themselves in productivism in an uncritical way in complicity with the promoters of barbarism. It is in this situation that studies by authors who demonstrate the courage to recognize the truth in the sense of criticism and necessary denunciation become valuable, such as those we considered in the preparation of this text.

Harvey (2011), considers that the current structure of knowledge is dysfunctional and illegitimate with the predominance of mental conceptions deeply ingrained and associated with neoliberal theories and the neoliberalization and corporatization of universities and the media. Many “intellectuals” have become complicit in neoliberal politics by repressing critical and radical currents of thought, most of them have no idea who John Maynard Keynes was and what he stood for, and for them knowledge of Karl Marx is negligible. “[…] Widespread adherence to postmodern and poststructuralist ideas that celebrate the particular at the expense of broader thinking does not help […]” (p. 193).

Considering this situation, Harvey (2011) understands that we need new mental conceptions to understand the world and contribute to preventing a catastrophe for humanity. He calls on those dissatisfied with neoliberalism to deepen the ongoing debate on how to change the course of human development, joining those whose working and living conditions are most immediately affected, including the material, cultural and natural relationships of their own existence.  

Seeking to contribute to this debate, at this point in the text we consider significant analyzes by Klein (2008 and 2009), a Canadian journalist. Klein (2008 and 2009) does serious work that adds to the process of improvement for those who choose to understand reality and raise awareness as the only path to resistance, emancipation and liberation. With her work, the author seeks to prevent us from being anesthetized by the shock of lies and executed due to the lack of memory, sensitivity and intelligence. Indeed, whether through your book The Shock Doctrine, whether through the documentary with part of this content, with the same title, directed by directors Mat Whitecross and Michael Winterbottom, the author invites us to learn in a systematic way about the recurring barbaric events of financial-rentier capitalists.

In this way, it contributes to developing our knowledge and understanding the need to position ourselves for the reaffirmation of the public sphere, to constitute courageous political action based on resistance and overcoming the private sphere of domination, inhumanity, violence and barbarity. Therefore, at this point in the text, there is a need to reproduce Klein's (2008 and 2009) elaboration on the historical events of terror caused by the exercise of power by the aforementioned capitalists and their technocrats on duty. Although the author analytically exposes the coup movement of financial-rentier capitalists in several countries, we will only mention some of them, recognizing the importance of suggesting the entire reading of her book. Undoubtedly, we must fight against the dark past and the permanence of its harmful legacy with the continuous blows against our political freedom of collective commitment to the common good.

According to Klein (2008 and 2009), the systematic looting of the public sphere through the shock doctrine of unregulated capitalism culminates in the destruction of people's history and personality, in the torture and murder of opponents to prevent resistance. The author observes that the foundation of neoliberal economic doctrine is the exploitation of the crisis and shock to create a coup against governments that invest in public policies for the common good.

As a result, she recognizes neoliberal capitalism as disaster capitalism. Klein (2008 and 2009) recalls that the first military coup by the financial-rentier capitalists was in Chile, in the 1970s, against the popular government of Salvador Allende, who won the elections with a platform of generalized nationalization in his program. The 1973 coup d'état resulted in the assassination of Allende, with the claim that his government was Marxist. After the violent coup d'état, Friedman, as an adviser to the Chilean dictator, General Augusto Pinochet, advised him to impose an economic reform.

Many economists in the Pinochet government, the Chicago Boys, they were Chileans who studied under Friedman and other neoliberal faculty at the University of Chicago. The academic training of Chicago Boys Chilean and other students from South America was promoted in the United States, through scholarships, for them to learn free market economics with the neoliberal Friedman, among others. After Allende's assassination, the Chicago Boys delivered their economic project to the dictator Pinochet, with the population in a state of shock, Pinochet imposed policies favoring the interests of financial-rentier capitalists, recommended by the Chicago Boys, among them, the elimination of price controls, the sale of state-owned companies, the elimination of import taxes and cuts in public spending.

Even Chilean public schools have been replaced by private schools supported by student loans issued by the government in the form of vouchers, even free milk was abolished from schools. After a year, inflation reached approximately 375% per year, the highest in the world, with the impoverishment of millions of people. Opponents of the coup were arrested and imprisoned, many of them were tortured and murdered.

It quickly became clear that Friedman's economic policies benefit the rich at the expense of the poor. Pinochet ruled Chile as a dictator for seventeen years. The coup in Chile was the most extreme strategy of capitalist appropriation ever attempted anywhere and became known as the Chicago School revolution (KLEIN, 2008 and 2009). In addition, other economists are part of the Chicago School, such as George Stigler, Gary Becker, Robert Lucas Jr., Eugene Fama.

According to Klein (2008 and 2009), Chile was not the only country in South America that adopted Chicago School policies; in the 1970s, Friedman's disciples held key positions in Brazil and advised the government of Uruguay. . In Argentina, a military coup interrupted Isabel Perón's government on March 24, 1976 and the Chicago Boys They assumed central economic positions in the military government, with impactful social and economic restructuring, in a context of shock and terror against the Argentine population.

The imposition of the economic policies of the Chicago School occurred with the disappearance of thirty thousand people under the government of the military junta, many of them left-wing activists, torture techniques were applied to students, trade unionists and any opponent of the free market economic policies adopted. . In Argentina, poverty increased, salaries lost 40% of their value, factories were closed, among other severe consequences.

In the 1980s, Margaret Thatcher in Great Britain and Ronald Reagan in the United States implemented their economic policies with reference to free and deregulated markets, as recommended by Friedman, recognized by Thatcher as the intellectual fighter for freedom. Such economic policies led to a reduction in state ownership, cuts in public spending, among other measures against the population. In Britain, before Thatcher, chief executives of companies who earned ten times more than the average worker now earned four hundred times more. The history of the contemporary free market can be understood as the rise of corporations. Friedman openly acknowledged the importance of Thatcher and Reagan in spreading Chicago School policies throughout the world (Ibid.).

In the Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev tried to implement a third way between social democracy and free market capitalism, following the collapse of the old communist regimes. Gorbachev expected financial support for a gradual reform of the economy. However, he was warned that he would not receive any funding unless he adopted radical shock therapy and suffered an attempted coup d'état, losing much of his power.

The free market arrived in Russia with Boris Yeltsin, with the adoption of Chicago School policies, which marked a new chapter in the free market crusade. For Friedman and the Chicago Boys A completely new world was opening up in the Soviet Union. The majority of Russians opposed the radical vision of Chicago Boys to your country. Yeltsin's shock therapy meant that in 1992 the average Russian consumed 40% less than in 1991, a third of Russians fell below the poverty line, corruption expanded, and organized crime grew.

Although, in 1993, the parliament voted in favor of revoking the special powers granted to Yeltsin, being supported by his supporters, Yeltsin declared a state of emergency and dissolved the parliament, after which he ordered the troops to attack the parliament, acquiring the absolute power, with the advice of Chicago Boys, governing with a form of capitalism “among friends”. Yeltsin adopted the Pinochet government option, with the support of the United States, which recognized him as the hope for Russia's democracy. Furthermore, state-owned companies were sold creating a new class of multimillionaire businessmen with enormous political influence. Social inequality was intensified (Ibid.).

George W. Bush took power in the United States, certain that the enemy to fear was the Soviet Union. After the attack on the World Trade Center on September 11, 2001, Bush established a war on terror, considering it to be a fight between good and evil. “[…] September 11 seems to have offered Washington the ease of no longer needing to ask countries if they wanted the North American version of ‘free trade and democracy’ […]” (KLEIN, 2008, p. 17) . The first phase of this war was the bombing of Afghanistan.

The war in Afghanistan has resulted in tens of thousands of Afghan and American casualties. The first time torture manual techniques Kubark – from the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) were used explicitly and publicly by American forces in Guantánamo. Of the seven hundred and seventy-nine prisoners who passed through Guantánamo Bay, only three were convicted of any crime. Later, Bush attacked Iraq, the country with the third largest oil reserves in the world, with the aim of creating shock and awe among the population.

Iraq received three different types of shock: the shock of war, the economic shock and the shock of execution, including torture. However, with all the attack and oppression from the United States in the country, Iraqis protested in the streets, but as the protests had no effect, Iraqis joined the armed resistance and the violence got out of control, and more aggressive measures were taken. adopted by the United States to suppress resistance. Subsequently, the United States still invested in the strategy of profiting from the war it provoked in Iraq. After the devastation of Iraq, the United States offered financial assistance to North American companies in that country to build a commercial system (KLEIN, 2008 and 2009). The situation went beyond what Friedman could have dreamed of, given the privatization investment in Iraq.

According to Klein (2008 and 2009), it took thirty years for the economic experiment originally implemented by Pinochet to go around the world and reach Iraq, but the similarities between the past and the present are impressive. The similarities between the Pinochet concentration camps and the Bush administration's Guantánamo detention center, between the disappeared people in Chile and those in Iraq, the electric shocks have the objective of erasing the past, the personality, the collective memory, the history, humanity and implant new ideas into it. Torture has been a partner in this crusade for free markets. When opponents of the corporate economic model are eliminated, the elimination is explained as part of the war against communism or terrorism and never as a battle for the advancement of neoliberal capitalism.

The Chicago School policies adopted by countries eliminate the boundaries between Government and business, with the creation of a powerful alliance between a few large corporations and a layer of very wealthy politicians, who exchange favors and contracts for mutual advantage. Consequently, public wealth collected from ordinary people through taxes is transferred from the hands of the Government to the hands of the wealthiest individuals and richest companies in the world.

In a corporate way, these elites and politicians come together to exchange favors with the use of valuable public resources and, therefore, in this regime the market is protected by the State, causing significant inequality and social misery with the extermination of many. However, all the coups, wars and massacres perpetrated within this corporatism to prioritize the interests of corporations have never been treated as capitalist crimes (Ibid.). In effect, the crusade for the free market exposes a criminal policy of extermination promoted by financial-rentier capitalists.

Similarly, we have the contribution of Sobral (2023) when referring to James McGill Buchanan, a supporter of libertarian philosophy. Buchanan received the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences in 1986 for his “Public Choice Theory”. He was against democratic regimes. He created the Virginia School of Economics, with influence on economics colleges in the United States and training students in postgraduate courses around the world, including Brazil.

According to Sobral (2023), upon returning to their countries, these students ran their own postgraduate programs and took up undergraduate courses, attacking all divergent views and expelling dissonant professors. Such enterprising student specialists supported by meritocracy took on public positions in the courts, prosecutors' offices and judicial courts, in private banks and the Central Bank, in government and parliamentary offices, and also in the media; even in left-wing governments that adhered to the efficiency and productivism enterprise of market capitalism.

Buchanan's plan, with his “Public Choice Theory” consists of: “[…] (a) brutal attacks with murder, preferably; (b) attacks on right-wing opponents; and (c) attacks on the left, or on all those who want some mechanism for reducing inequalities and social humanization” (Ibid., P. two). Buchanan's objective with his “Public Choice Theory” is the elimination of democratic societies and people who oppose his plan (SOBRAL, 2). Namely, Buchanan also graduated from the Chicago School and his ideas were also influenced by that school.

The coup d'état in Brazil in 2016 was political and economic with very serious social repercussions, permeated by tactics that correspond to the interests of financial-rentier capitalists of transnational corporations with the dedicated collaboration of Brazilian technocrats. This coup must be analyzed considering the context of these capitalists' crimes against humanity, to boost their free market policy and, consequently, their capital accumulation in accordance with Friedman's recommendation and the US economic policy primer. Chicago Boys, with the use of torture techniques from the Kubark.

The mentors and agents of this coup, in Brazil, come from the underworld of the Brazilian elite, capable of committing crimes against their own country and exterminating their people without excluding others in the same vulnerable condition worldwide. As a result, they interrupted a democratic government committed to the reaffirmation of the public sphere and implemented the dictatorship of the free market disguised as democracy.

The coup d'état in Brazil was articulated by the rentier capitalists of the transnational corporations with the Brazilian technocrats in a subjugated condition, in this circumstance they seem to acquire the status of free market financier technocrats predisposed to do work consubstantial with evil, constituting kakistocracy (the government system that brings together the worst, the least qualified and absolutely unscrupulous).

The members of the Brazilian kakistocracy, eager for any type of financial reward and recognition, appropriated the State with tricks of illegality, cruelty and dissemination of lies with the criminal use of technology, creating the crisis and shock according to Friedman's taste, to deceive the vulnerable with their manipulation and satisfy the desires of those who identify with them. In the meantime, they were diligently promoted by the specters of chicago boys disguised as good guys of Justice, who established the determinations of the lords of the free market from the dark entrails of the underworld of the Brazilian judicial system, substituting public law for private law.

And, thus, the toga vigilantes who seemed to condemn and deconstruct the supposed corruption of politicians and other inconveniences to their interests revealed themselves to be corrupt themselves, capable of any atrocity to be worthy of the trust and economic remuneration of the financial-rentier capitalists of the corporations. transnationals.

The configuration of this power structure in Brazil exposes a corporate scheme of an ultra-authoritarian Government, in the condition of a State of exception, operating for the rentier capitalists of transnational corporations with the objective of maximum profitability, with the appropriation of public resources and goods.

The Brazilian kakistocracy brought together military personnel, businessmen, business politicians, religious fundamentalist business politicians, militiamen and supposed men of justice, among others, in the creation of the “Sociedade Anônima em nome de Deus, da Pátria e da Família”, with participation in companies offshore in tax havens, reaffirming the motto of individual freedom that protects the interests of domination of the private sphere. For the benefit of its rewards from free market capitalists, the Brazilian kakistocracy disqualified, harassed and exterminated part of the Brazilian people and appropriated the country's wealth.

And, after dialectically intercepting the shock and blow of capitalist appropriation of the country with the little courage and humanity that we still have left, although with many consequences, including the recurrence of voluntary servitude, it is up to us to ask: until when will we allow the specters in Chicago Boys and members of the kakistocracy arbitrate in institutions, making democracy unfeasible? How long will we allow them to organize coups from the State, in the media and in society, imposing the free market policy of the financial-rent capitalists of transnational corporations against the democratic Governments of reaffirmation of the public sphere?

The individual with frantic, entrepreneurial, disguised, perverse behavior and alienated from productivism and neoliberal efficiency who seeks recognition and projection within the scope of the market dictatorship constitutes the society of barbarism, dehumanization and modern servitude. This capital-individual is unaware of the essential courage for breaking with the private sphere and for the elaboration of democratic political action based on the dialectical thinking essential for the reaffirmation of the public sphere.

Its carelessness and indifference to democracy reveals its condescension and complicity with the crimes of the capitalists of the dictatorship of the market and its adequacy to the kakistocracy constituted with the corrosion of the character and culture of neoliberalism.[I]

*Joelma LV Pires is a professor at the Faculty of Education at the Federal University of Uberlândia (UFU).


BRESSER-PEREIRA, Luiz C. Financial-rentier capitalism. Advanced Studies, SP, v. 32, no. 92, p. 17-29, Jan./Apr. 2018.

______. After financial-rentier capitalism, structural change in sight? New CEBRAP Studies, SP, v.36, n.1, p. 137-151, Mar. 2017.

GEORGE, Susan. The sequestered thought; how secular and religious law seized control of the United States. Barcelona: Biblioteca Pensamiento Critico, PC; Ed. Sol 90, 2009.

HARVEY, David. The enigma of capital and the crises of capitalism. Translation by João Alexandre Peschanski. São Paulo, SP: Boitempo, 2011.

______. Neoliberalism is a political project. Available at:

KLEIN, Naomi. The Shock Doctrine: the rise of disaster capitalism. Translated by Vania Cury. Rio de Janeiro: New Frontier, 2008.

ROSENMANN, Marcos R. Neoliberalism. Available in:

SANSON, Caesar. Work in the classics of Sociology: Marx, Durkheim, Weber. São Paulo: Expressão Popular, EDUFRN, 2021.

SOBRAL, Fabio. A very detailed plan. Available at:

STANDING, Guy. the precariat. The new dangerous class. Translated by Cristina Antunes. Belo Horizonte: Autêntica, 2020.

THE SHOCK DOCTRINE. Directed by: Mat Whitecross and Michael Winterbottom. United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, 2009. Youtube, (79 min.).

VERGARA ESTÉVEZ, Jorge; MENÉNDEZ MARTIN, Alan. Thinking about education; from Friedman to Dewey. Santiago de Chile: Universitaria, 2017.


[I] The complete version of this text will be published in the book entitled Structural coupism and subversion of democracy: looting of the State, neoliberalism and neofascist imperialism (2016-2022), by the author Roberto Bueno.

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