By JOÃO DOS REIS SILVA JUNIOR*

Struggles should never be seen as just gender-based, but as a radical transformation whose goal is to eradicate all forms of oppression, including sexism, racism and class exploitation.

The first strike

The first strike in the United States, of which there is any record, occurred in 1824 in the textile industry. The event occurred in Pawtucket, Rhode Island (known as the Workers' Strike) Pawtucket), in a textile factory. The demands referred to working conditions: long hours, low wages and a hostile environment. Around one hundred workers, all women, left their looms and went on strike.

However, the strike was not immediately successful. However, it was a historic milestone and a sense of belonging to a class began to emerge. The need for organization and solidarity among workers to confront the exploitation of employers became clear. This strike laid the foundations for future workers' mobilizations, inspiring other strikes and movements throughout the country.

the decline

The labor movement grew for another century. The truculence against it was great, but the process continued until the 1970s due to several factors: the globalization of capital, deindustrialization and the transfer of many companies to other countries where labor costs less. The economy, which was largely based on manufacturing, shifted predominantly to the service sector, a sector in which unionism was weak.

The new organization of labor was a central factor in the demobilization of workers in the United States. The operation union avoidance (preventing the formation of unions) was cruel and bloody. Temporary work, which is so exploited today and creates precariousness, dates back to this period. The judiciary participated in the process by criminalizing any attempt by workers to organize.

The universal declaration of human rights

Although it does not constitute a movement in its own right, the document approved by the United Nations (UN) in 1948 provided the basis for the fight for human rights on a global scale. It established international standards for the dignity and inalienable rights of all human beings, serving as a reference for countless human rights movements in subsequent decades. Its dissemination and education about these rights, through awareness campaigns and programs, consolidated the concept that human rights are universal and must be inexorably respected.

The press played a key role in spreading awareness about these movements. Newspapers, magazines, radio and, especially, television provided extensive coverage of the protests, marches and speeches, allowing these issues to reach the general public. Images and reports of the events were essential in fostering empathy and popular support for human rights causes.

When we observe with due attention that reality demands, we can affirm that labor and its organization constituted the common ground of the struggles for a dignified existence. This assertion applies to human rights. It was a human condition torn apart by white hegemony, which at no time ceased to be repressed by state bodies or by associations such as the Klu Klux Klan. The persecution of immigrants was relentless and, paradoxically, gave rise to the mafia. The Cosa Nostra, acclaimed to this day in films that romanticize the bloodthirsty organization.

Civil rights

The Civil Rights Movement in the United States was a major driver of increased awareness of human rights. The movement, which sought to end racial segregation and secure equal rights for African Americans, used a range of tactics, including marches, peaceful protests, civil disobedience, and lawsuits. Iconic events such as the March on Washington in 1963, when Martin Luther King Jr. delivered his famous “I Have a Dream” speech, received widespread media coverage, helping to raise awareness of racial injustice and the need for social change.

Feminism

During the 1960s, the feminist movement also gained momentum, fighting for gender equality, reproductive rights, and economic opportunities. This period saw the emergence of leaders such as Betty Friedan, author of The feminine mystique, and Gloria Steinem, one of the founders of Ms. Magazine. The publication of books, articles and the organization of protests and marches, such as the 1970 March for Equality, helped to put gender issues on the national agenda and gain the support of a wider public.

Protests against the Vietnam War

The Vietnam War provoked a strong reaction from the American public, especially among young people. The anti-war movement organized large-scale protests and demonstrations in several cities across the United States, culminating in the March on Washington Against the War in 1969, which attracted hundreds of thousands of participants. Media coverage of these protests, often featuring images of clashes between demonstrators and police, helped to increase pressure on the government and mobilize a growing base of activists.

The identity organization

On June 28, 1969, patrons of the Stonewall Inn, a bar in New York City, were raided by the police, sparking a series of protests and riots that lasted three days. This event is considered the starting point of the modern LGBTQIA+ rights movement. Before Stonewall, homosexuality was a crime in many places, and the LGBTQIA+ community suffered constant discrimination and persecution. Police violence and social repression were routine. In the 1960s, the civil rights and women's liberation movements gained momentum and inspired the LGBTQIA+ community to fight for their own rights.

The movement sought legal and social recognition, as well as equal rights and opportunities. After the Stonewall Riots, several activist organizations emerged, such as the Gay Liberation Front and the Gay Activists Alliance, which played key roles in the fight for LGBTQIA+ rights. On June 28, 1970, the first Gay Pride march took place in New York and Los Angeles. Since then, the march has become an annual celebration around the world.

Brazil

The first LGBTQIA+ Pride Parade in Brazil took place on June 28, 1997, in the city of São Paulo, bringing together approximately 2 individuals. The objective of the event was to give visibility to the LGBTQIA+ community and demand rights and public policies. Previously, in 1995, a march was held in Rio de Janeiro, in celebration of the 17th Conference of the International Lesbian and Gay Association (ILGA), and in 1996, there was a demonstration at Praça Roosevelt, in São Paulo, with approximately 500 participants.

Such events paved the way for the first official Pride Parade in 1997. On June 2, 2024, the 28th LGBTQIA+ Pride Parade in São Paulo brought together thousands of individuals, including prominent figures such as Pabllo Vittar, Glória Groove and Filipe Catto, and featured the presence of 16 electric trios.

The rally began at 10 am on Avenida Paulista, and the event was marked by exuberant costumes and messages of inclusion. Equality in differences and inclusion are fundamental aspirations; whether consciously or unconsciously, we are all human. However, the LGBTQIA+ population suffers prejudice and violence perpetuated by individuals who consider themselves to be honest. The discriminated population must be supported by all of us. We must understand the origins of hatred against communities in the country's own history. This is a pressing challenge that needs to be faced. Below, I present some reflections for us to consider together.

An invitation to reflection

Alceu de Amoroso Lima stated: “The past is not so past; rather, it is what remains.” And what remains when we seek the inclusion of minorities, who are no longer minorities? They are the values ​​embedded in the lives of the victims themselves. Racial prejudice is not limited to discrimination based on color, but encompasses intricate social relations, as romanticized by Gilberto Freyre in his work Casa Grande & Senzala – formation of the Brazilian family under the patriarchal economic regime” (my emphasis). Freyre advocated a new country, at the center of which was the mixed-race population. Black women worked in the main house as maids, performing the functions of cooks, wet nurses, housekeepers and even intimate companions.

The family structure of yesteryear still resonates in many contemporary families. Prejudices such as racism, sexism and homophobia have their roots in this historical period. These prejudices are destructive to the essence of humanity, representing a true social death. Racism and patriarchy in Brazil sustain the decadence of our culture and the hijacking of our identity.

On the other hand, we found an in-depth discussion about the coordination between identity movements and the workers’ movement. Although we can recognize numerous positive points about the convergence between policies and the class struggle, there is a potential that demands analysis, since identity politics, in its essence, focuses on unity through the singularity of individuals – which could weaken the organization of the working class. A concrete fact is the expansion of the precariat throughout the world, so it is of fundamental importance that we discuss this topic.

The theoretical impasse

The literature on identity politics, in general terms, is intertwined with poststructuralism, which requires the resolution of a theoretical dilemma. The debate on the preponderance of identity movements, driven, consciously or unconsciously, by poststructuralism, is auspicious. Class struggle occupies a complex position in poststructuralism. Unlike traditional Marxism, poststructuralism does not position class struggle as the main engine of history, but rather as one among several forms of oppression that need to be examined and confronted. Below are some crucial points to understand this relationship.

Centralization of the subject. Poststructuralism challenges the notion of a central subject in history, such as the working class in Marxism. Authors such as Michel Foucault and Jacques Derrida argue that power is disseminated and acts through multiple discourses and social practices, and is not restricted to the economic sphere.

Analysis of power structures. Although it does not focus on class struggle, poststructuralism has a deep interest in power structures. Foucault, for example, investigates how power manifests itself in institutions, social practices, and forms of knowledge, suggesting that power is not a monopoly of the ruling class but is present in all strata of society. Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari propose a politics of desire and multiplicity, in which class struggle is considered one among several possible struggles. They argue that revolutions and social movements emerge from diverse sources of oppression and desire, and are not limited to economic conditions.

Bell hooks did not dissociate the struggles for women's freedom and equality from labor struggles. For her, these struggles are historically intertwined. Struggles should never be seen as just gender struggles, but as a radical transformation whose goal is to eradicate all forms of oppression, including sexism, racism, and class exploitation.

The debate is being posed by the movements. They are a reality in Brazil, so we need to consider the country's historical legacy regarding prejudices. These are just disturbing notes that need to be discussed. I raise an issue that seems to me to be central to this debate. Identity politics assumes the role of categories that come together around entity, color, sexual orientation, gender, seeking to organize themselves in this direction.

These are not ideological strategies, as they are guided by both the right and the left. The latter has begun to relegate universal principles to the background; freedom of expression and equality, historical flags of the left spectrum. To me, this seems to be the central discussion in relation to identity agendas.

*João dos Reis Silva Junior He is a professor at the Department of Education at the Federal University of São Carlos (UFSCar). Author, among other books, of Education, Class Society and University Reforms (Associated Authors) [https://amzn.to/4fLXTKP]

the earth is round there is thanks to our readers and supporters.
Help us keep this idea going.
CONTRIBUTE