By BRUNO FABRICIO ALCEBINO DA SILVA*

The coup attempt was not the result of improvisation or spontaneity, but a carefully planned operation structured around six groups with well-defined functions.

Finally, the inevitable happened: former President Jair Bolsonaro was indicted by the Federal Police for attempted coup d'état, accompanied by an entourage of 36 individuals, many of them high-ranking military officers, the "uniformed". Among those accused, the most prominent are retired generals and former ministers of Jair Bolsonaro's government — Walter Braga Netto, Augusto Heleno and Paulo Sérgio Nogueira de Oliveira.

The case, which is already considered the most serious attack on Brazilian democracy since the end of the military dictatorship, including the infamous January 8th, exposes not only the group's coup ambitions, but also the historical wounds still open in Brazil in relation to the presence of the military in politics.

O Federal Police report, recently released and sent to the Supreme Federal Court (STF), describes in great detail the articulations of a plan that included the assassination of democratic leaders such as President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, Vice President Geraldo Alckmin and STF Minister Alexandre de Moraes. In the power vacuum created by these acts, the government would be taken over by a military junta led by Braga Netto and Augusto Heleno.

In addition to the aforementioned “uniformed” officers, the list of those indicted includes a broad network of military personnel of different ranks, federal police officers and civilians linked to Jair Bolsonaro. Most of them have a direct connection to the Agulhas Negras Military Academy (AMAN), the birthplace of military training that shaped several generations of military leaders, including Jair Bolsonaro himself.

The architecture of the coup

The coup attempt, revealed by the Federal Police, was not the result of improvisation or spontaneity, but a carefully planned operation structured around six groups with well-defined functions. These groups, strategically organized, operated with the aim of undermining the Brazilian democratic system and consolidating an institutional rupture between the end of 2022 and the beginning of 2023.

According to the Federal Police report (p. 179), the coup would aim to prevent a threat scenario which “in supposed defense of democracy, (would aim) to control the three powers of the country and impose favorable conditions for the appropriation of the public machine in favor of left-wing ideologies or shady power projects”.

The Center for Disinformation and Attacks on the Electoral System would be central to delegitimizing the electoral process. Through a massive campaign of fake news regarding electronic voting machines, the aim was to create an environment of distrust and instability, underpinning the coup narrative. At the same time, the Military Incitement Center would try to mobilize support within the Armed Forces, instrumentalizing them as a key piece in carrying out the coup.

In the legal field, the Legal Center would play a crucial role in preparing opinions and documents that sought to give a veneer of legality to the institutional rupture. The Operational Support Center would be responsible for logistics, coordinating resources and movements necessary to support the coup actions.

The structure also included the Parallel Intelligence Center, which carried out illegal espionage and clandestinely monitored opponents, and the Operational Center for Coercive Measures, responsible for planning acts of extreme violence, including the assassinations of democratic leaders.

This meticulous organization, illegally supported by the state apparatus, used clandestine communication networks and involved high-ranking figures from the previous government. The operation highlights not only the seriousness of the threat to democracy, but also the sophistication of a plan that, although foiled, leaves deep marks on Brazilian politics.

The coup plotters – between uniforms and offices

The involvement of the Armed Forces in the coup plot is clear and alarming. Of the 37 indicted by the Federal Police, 25 have direct links or careers that began in the Armed Forces, highlighting the central role of the military in articulating the plan. High-ranking generals such as Braga Netto and Augusto Heleno, who played strategic roles in Jair Bolsonaro's government, were identified as the main architects of the attempted rupture of democracy.

Admiral Almir Garnier, former commander of the Navy, General Paulo Sérgio Nogueira, former Minister of Defense, and Colonel Mauro Cid, former aide-de-camp to the former president, represent other notable examples of the extent of military involvement in the scheme.

A critical aspect is the connection of many of those involved with the Military Academy of Agulhas Negras (AMAN), the main training center for officers of the Brazilian Army. This connection sheds light on the culture and values ​​disseminated in the institution, which traditionally emphasizes a rigid and, at times, biased patriotism. Such training may have reinforced a distorted view that the Armed Forces have a legitimate role as arbiters of political crises, fueling interventionist and antidemocratic ideas. It is crucial to affirm that the role of the Armed Forces is to defend national sovereignty and the integrity of the State, and not to interfere in internal political issues, much less to promote or support actions that undermine the democratic order.

The involvement of civilians in the scheme adds to the grim picture. Anderson Torres, former Minister of Justice, and Alexandre Ramagem, former director of the Brazilian Intelligence Agency (Abin), played key roles in carrying out clandestine operations. Both were accused of leading the so-called “Parallel Abin,” an illegal espionage structure that aimed to monitor opponents, collect privileged information, and destabilize the democratic system. This clandestine apparatus was denounced as one of the most sophisticated instruments of the coup plot, evidencing the integration of civilians and military personnel in an attempt to subvert the institutional order.

This collaboration between military and civilians exposes the ramifications of the scheme, which was fueled by networks of influence, public resources and a consolidated ideological apparatus. More than an isolated conspiracy, it was an articulated project that united different sectors around an authoritarian agenda, the ultimate goal of which was to erode the foundations of Brazilian democracy.

The Federal Police report will be forwarded to the Attorney General's Office (PGR), which will decide whether to pursue charges against those involved. If accepted, the charges could lead to severe penalties, ranging from 4 to 12 years in prison for each crime, such as attempted coup d'état, criminal organization, and violent abolition of the Democratic Rule of Law. This episode, however, is not limited to the legal field. It sparks a crucial debate about the persistence of authoritarian practices in Brazil and the role of the Armed Forces in democracy.

The 1964 Coup and the Military Legacy

The coup attempts in 2022-2023 echo the shadows of 1964, when Brazil saw its democracy overthrown by a military regime that would rule the country for more than two decades. As in that period, the narrative of institutional instability and the “communist threat” were used as justifications for the intervention.

After the return to democracy, the 1988 Constitution sought to limit the political activities of the Armed Forces, reaffirming their role as limited to defending national sovereignty. However, the broad and unrestricted amnesty granted to military personnel responsible for crimes during the dictatorship left deep scars, allowing military influence to remain latent in the structures of civilian power. This presence, instead of being gradually undone, was reinforced during the government of Jair Bolsonaro, who brought dozens of officers to strategic posts, consolidating a worrying militarization of public administration and reviving authoritarian practices that should have been definitively overcome.

This strengthening of the military forces and far-right discourse find fertile ground in political polarization and discrediting of democratic institutions. During Jair Bolsonaro's government, the encouragement of denialism, the militarization of civilian positions and the coup rhetoric contributed to creating an environment favorable to actions such as those investigated by the Federal Police.

The rise of the far right and the militarization of politics

The support of segments of the Armed Forces and the police for the far right is not an isolated phenomenon. It reflects a global trend in which conservative and authoritarian forces find support in armed groups to challenge democratic processes. In Brazil, this alliance was strengthened by Jair Bolsonaro, who extolled military symbols and anti-democratic discourse.

The close relationship between the military and the Brazilian far right goes beyond mere ideological affinity, and also constitutes a pragmatic alliance of mutual interests. Many of those indicted for involvement in the coup attempts were directly linked to corruption scandals, including the misappropriation of public funds and the illegal sale of government assets.

The coup, in this context, was not just an attack on democracy, but a desperate strategy to shield these groups from investigations and possible judicial accountability, especially in the face of the rise of a progressive government committed to transparency and fighting corruption.

A window of opportunity

The indictment of Jair Bolsonaro and his allies represents more than just individual accountability for coup-related acts: it is a historic opportunity for Brazil to confront, once and for all, its problematic and ambiguous relationship with militarism. The consolidation of Brazilian democracy requires that institutions face this moment with determination, ensuring that such crimes are not only punished, but that they serve as a warning against the perpetuation of authoritarian practices.

The institutional response to these events will be a turning point: it will define whether the country will remain hostage to the shadows of the past or move towards a future guided by justice, equality and respect for fundamental freedoms.

The turbulent period of 2022-2023, with the recent discovery of the coup plot and the infamous January 8, has already left its mark on history, but its legacy is still in dispute. Brazil has a rare chance to transform this crisis into a milestone of democratic resistance, reaffirming its commitment to republican values ​​and the constitutional order.

The future of our democracy will be written by those who, with courage and clarity, decide that Brazil must be governed by the people and for the people, and not by the shadow of an authoritarian regime and the “uniformed” coup plotters.

*Bruno Fabricio Alcebino da Silva He is majoring in International Relations and Economic Sciences at the Federal University of ABC (UFABC).

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