Rede Globo and militarism

Image_Marcio Costa


It is the Globo organizations that make up the group of leaders who manipulate public opinion to shape it to economic policy

The anti-democratic political forces that coordinate Brazil's immediate directions are not negligible in terms of their ability to manipulate the current political and cultural scenario, paving the way leading to a horizon unrelated to popular interests. To face it well, it is necessary to recognize the intensity of the enemy's strength, today well anchored in the great economic-financial power of the big transnational capital. Underestimating the depth of rooting that unites the operative power to the forces that anchor it is to misunderstand and make an effective reaction to this group unfeasible, and no less relevant is to properly assess that their internal divergences do not go beyond the sociopolitical surface, since they remain umbilically united in the essentials. , that is to say, the depths of the economic superstructure. This is the dimension that unites the political forces driving the anti-democratic and neo-fascist project that is spreading in Brazil through the large power structure of the corporate media whose most expressive incarnation is found in the Globo organizations.

The project of dominating the economic-financial power of crushing the people and the State could not be carried out without internal and external political and ideological seams. The national television media has historically fulfilled this role, for which Jessé Souza (2017, p. 127) draws attention to its function “to enlist and instrument private interests that are exposed as if they were public. Rede Globo flourished in this context”. The second movement of this function of political sewing performed by the large corporate media can already be observed in the orientation of the colonial elite, as perceived by Florestan Fernandes (2019, p. 83) when noting its function as an “internal link of external imperialist domination”. This is a historical strategy that replaces the English colonial model recognized by Wood (2014, p. 73), which created spaces of power and co-opted local actors to prevent the emergence of potential competitors in the colonies for products produced in the metropolis.

As is observable in the Latin American reality, the groups acting as articulators of the economic power of the metropolis historically started to acquire political positions of control endowed with international support, but their success depends on the intervention and mediation of channels of ideological and cultural control that influence the construction of the political field. The execution of the function of consolidating the economic interests of the national elite and its foreign associates finds an important channel of expression in the ideological support of the media corporations that are economically and financially co-opted for the execution of the project. In Brazil, it is notable how, throughout its history, Globo organizations have aligned themselves with anti-democratic forces, varying in terms of the intensity demanded by the days. It is important to analyze the posture of the media group, which occupies an important position on the board since it expresses the deep interests that are submerged, although absolutely operative in its control function.

In Latin America and, especially, in the case of Brazil, ideological and cultural control disconnects the people from their origins as well as from their horizon, despises the beauty and honor of their traditions in order to alienate them and easily train them to the values ​​of the oligarchy, articulating the redesign of the past to crush people in the present and completely dominate them in their future. This scenario appears in the eyes of Darcy Ribeiro (1972, p. 29) from the exercise of power by the oligarchy over society whose “narrow dominant layer of European origin needed the old bodies of indoctrination to justify its domination and to compel the indigenous people and mestizo, resignation with poverty and backwardness”, thus bringing together elements that unite contempt for the national individual with the aspiration to extract wealth by sucking his strength to the reason of the extermination of life. This group coincides with the powerful individuals who act in the interpretation range of Jessé de Souza (2015, p. 107), for whom what matters to them “is guaranteeing the looting of the budget, the robbery of national wealth as a minor partner of foreign capital ”.

There is a heavy inheritance of sub-humanity in Brazilian society derived from the scourge of slavery, a period in which some individuals were not valued as people, but as a metallic exchange value in relation to their capacity to produce wealth. Derives from there the legacy still present in the heart of the national elite that already people created to serve while others to serve them, the elite. This continues with its eyes focused on the value of the alien, the effort for foreign acculturation remains in force, today linked to Americanism, as a strategy to disconnect individuals from their territorial space, their wealth and the feeling of belonging and social and political identity, opening space and operating as an anchor for the consolidation of an ideology foreign to the interests of the national development of mestizo, black and native peoples, aimed at masking the real and the imposed contents so that it can be collectively digested at the lowest cost to power.

In the Brazilian case, the best spaces for establishing foreign cultural and ideological roots were historically occupied and carried out by the editorial line of the Globo organizations, from dramaturgy to news, passing through series, rare documentaries, interview programs and films. This media giant reverberates only what interests the peak of the powerful nationals and their foreign associates, and never any specters of power averse to capital. The media corporation is a levitical ideological force that knows no limitations, other than those of an economic nature, to provide support to any power group, not even those that co-exist with the dictatorship, that employ torture, violence and enter the territory of barbarism.

Globo organizations have a long history that exemplifies this situation, and the company's apology for its support of the bloodthirsty Brazilian military dictatorship was just proof. The course of time immersed the company again in the trajectory of the coup after years of combating public policies conceived and applied by popular governments legitimately elected and endowed with international recognition. Without claiming to be exhaustive, we consider here one of the recent examples of the company's role in this movement towards the implementation of authoritarian regimes, which can be observed already in the pre-election period of 2018, and for a better analysis of the political, ethical, economic meaning in connection with the media, It is the military regime and the economic elite that we propose the connection with 2018. So Rede Globo maintained the GloboNews Elections Central program. A series of interviews were held with the vice-presidential candidates, and on 07.09.2018/XNUMX/XNUMX it was Gen. Hamilton Mourão which, as usual with all the other candidates, was carried out by the most expressive political and economic journalists of the station.

It was to be expected that it would render public praise and honors to Carlos Alberto Brilhante Ustra, head of the political repression body (DOI-CODI) and judicially convicted of torture and related crimes. The audience can witness the powerful and violent echo in the studios of the silence coming from the interview bench when Mourão stated that the “Excesses were committed. Heroes kill” (MOURÃO, 2018). As remarkable as it is hateful. None of the seasoned interviewers thought to ask whether the candidate's heroes, in addition to torturing and killing, also possessed other "virtues" in their fight for their homeland and protection of national security, such as committing horrendous crimes of rape and violence against children. . The silence of the team of interviewers embodied that of the Globo organizations, because when the moment occurred, the journalist Míriam Leitão was activated by the electronic point to express the position of the company when, interviewed by the candidate Jair Bolsonaro, he made reference to the participation of the global media company in the military dictatorship. When Mourão praised the death on national television, the company did not call any of the interviewers through the electronic point to read the company's position, but was silent, profoundly, and, thus, legitimized the death speech that today some of its newscasts rhetorically brandish to combat. By not making a systematic effort to combat the latent authoritarian and dictatorial culture in Brazilian society, Globo organizations only reinforced the foundations for its future outbreak, as its latency was well observed by Florestan Fernandes (1986, p. 30) as imposing action reactive, because “the dictatorship has to be killed in the body of civil society, not in the head of the State”. The editorial practices of the Marinho conglomerate showed a lack of commitment to combating this latent threat, a stance also evidenced during the 2018 election campaign.

During the aforementioned interview and the questions proposed by Leitão and his bench colleagues Merval Pereira, Heraldo Pereira and Cristiana Lôbo, the candidate Mourão unveiled an absolutely gloomy horizon for the constitutional regime and the democratic order without having been harshly contradicted as, for example, candidates from the progressive camp on issues that are unrelated to the country's fate, such as the Venezuelan regime, in addition to other topics fabricated by the press to tarnish the image of the popular ideological camp. When asked about the fact of his admission of a self-coup, from the outset, he replied to Merval that he would have been misinterpreted in a lecture held in Brasília in September 2017, when the argument of art. 142, CF/88. As befitted the then vice-presidential candidate, he began by denying having preached a military coup in that speech in Brasília in 2017, but he was already at the limit of his ability to quibble about his real convictions and goals. Behold, Mourão did not suffer from the usual attacks reserved for opponents of authoritarian regimes, not even when he finally conceded that “in the event of anarchy, there may be a 'self-coup' by the President with the support of the Armed Forces” (MOURÃO, 2018), placing himself and to the Armed Forces themselves, in a situation of singular opposition to the Constitution that they should have sworn to fulfill and enforce, a fact of extraordinary political relevance which the Globo organizations did not give the due sequence in their media to the extent that the fact required.

During the interview with GloboNews, the candidate Mourão repeatedly stated between the lines that the President of the Republic, the Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces, should decide when a situation describable as “anarchy” would be set up to the point of justifying the activation of the Armed Forces to put put an end to this situation, leaving the doors ajar for coup acts. Jessé Souza (2017, p. 143) draws attention to the need for the coups to be given an appearance of legality, and for that reason the “Armed Forces played this role by interpreting constitutional provisions in their own way”, something that was repeated in this historical context when the military sector and its allies defended the thesis that some (non-existent) moderating power had supposedly been conferred on the Armed Forces by art. 142 of the Federal Constitution.

During the aforementioned interview with GloboNews, Gen. Mourão suggested the question about whether this would be a self-coup, which was soon reinforced by Merval, to which the military himself replied in the affirmative: “It is a self-coup, you can say that” (MOURÃO, 2018). The candidate replied that such a scenario could occur as a “hypothesis”, but if then the situation was “hypothetical”, nowadays the situation in the country has been worked on to dangerously approach that described by Mourão on the conditions that would justify the application of the use of force beyond constitutional provisions. This interpretation would not be possible without respecting the underlying force that moves the Armed Forces, capable of operating autonomously above party-political life, something admitted by Alain Rouquié (1984, p. 89), because in this way “a big step is already taken towards that he acquires the necessary means to generate his own political intervention”, a picture that presents the present situation of military tutelage under which Brazil lives, a situation that largely reflects the sad currentness of the analysis by Florestan Fernandes (1986, p. 30 ) that “There was no time to purge one and the other of the vices and deformations instituted by the dictatorial regime”.

The interviewee's contradictions grew when Gen. Mourão stated that there were four permanent national objectives and that, in this condition, they should always be preserved: (a) integrity of the territory, (b) integrity of the heritage, (c) democracy and (d) social peace. Undoubtedly, the Government to which Mourão belongs fails in all these national objectives. Punctually: (a) Brazil is handing over the base of Alcântara, in the State of Maranhão, losing the possibility of exercising control over all the movements that occurred in that space of the national territory and, therefore, compromising the integrity of its territory; (b) Brazil has been increasingly losing large and important layers of national heritage, and a superior proof of this was the delivery of oil. Heritage has not been protected either, otherwise it is attacked in broad daylight; (c) while another of the national objectives, that of achieving democracy, is taken as an attack objective along with the Constitution, as in the demonstrations proposing a coup d'état. In this sense, the attacks were so open that even some of the voices of the Globo organizations recognized: “The president conspired against democracy. In offices closed to daylight. He encouraged agglomerations of demonstrators against the powers of the Republic and fed virtual militias with attacks on institutions” (LEITÃO, 2020, p. 16). As for the objective of(d) social peace, in fact, it is all that the current military regime has not expressed concern about and does not even encourage its State agents to maintain or establish, and the greatest examples are the successive deadly police actions as well as the extreme facilitation of the sale of arms and ammunition.

Gen. Mourão then considered that democracy was affirmed as the greatest good in Brazil, but that it could be sacrificed whenever and when it was in question and under pressure from the situation of anarchy. Explicitly, under the situation of anarchy Gen. Mourão points out that military intervention suspending democracy is legitimate, and the most serious problem is that the horizon proposed by the military, which expresses their own nature and training, is the “use of legitimate violence” (ROUQUIÉ, 1984, p. 92) . There was no modesty on the part of the military, but the Globo organizations did not follow up or discuss the issue during the week to clarify the seriousness of the authoritarian potential and even coup plotter of the possible new Bolsonaro-Mourão ticket government. With their eyes on the promises of Paulo Guedes “Ipiranga-financial market” articulated with business-financial interests, the Marinho family made its decision, and here the crossroads that characterize the historic bond of the union between the military power and the capital it serves as an armed resource of protection either against the internal enemy or against an external enemy (cf. FERNANDES, 2019, p. 79), whether real or fictional, which in this case are used as legitimizing mirages for forceful actions and the implementation of States of exception. It is worth recognizing with Wood (2014, p. 30) that “Capital appropriation still requires the support of extra-economic coercion, and control of the operation of a State is still necessary to provide the administrative order and coercive force that capital needs. but there isn't”, and thus, the military apparatus is, in the Brazilian case, this force resource available to guarantee the maintenance and, if necessary, expansion of the scale of benefits, appropriation and concentration of wealth.

In the interview there were no doubts about the position of Gen. Mourão on when there is anarchy, namely, the risk to the basic script of the interests of the holders of control of the sables in the engine room of capitalism and its reproduction function, and in no case and under any condition, the interest of the population in protecting the your life. Punctually, when the question was presented to Gen. Mourão regarding his description of anarchy, for him it is a phenomenon that can be characterized as follows: “When you see that the country is heading towards anomie, in generalized anarchy, that there is no longer any respect for authority, armed groups walking down the street… ” (MOURÃO, 2018). At no time acknowledging that the very capitalism of imperialist matrix that is adopted against the sovereign interests of the nation is an anarchic system insofar as “the 'laws' of the market constantly threaten to break the social order” (WOOD , 2014, p. 25), behold, Gen. Mourão is part of a government whose political option to radicalize all types of trade encourages the sale of weapons.

The then military candidate would not be able to answer today the question about what are the concrete measures of his Government to avoid the materializing circumstance of the concept of anarchy described by him in the interview to GloboNews, namely, “armed groups walking down the street”. The answer is straightforward: the Government in which Gen. Mourão facilitates the sale of arms and ammunition to the extreme, while making it difficult to control purchases, which even had their authorization for sale per person increased enormously. Today Leitão publishes a text denouncing that the Government “Wants to arm the population, increase access to instruments of death, took away from the Armed Forces exclusivity in certain more powerful weapons. Eliminated legislation allowing tracking. Weapons, weapons at hand. This is the motto of the man who governs Brazil” (LEITÃO, 2020, p. 16). Was this not the motto of the then candidate who announced his intention to promote the most complete liberation of the purchase and possession of weapons? Did the Globo organizations not know about the family's intimate contacts with the Rio de Janeiro militia? Didn't they know his appreciation for the use of weapons and violence as a supposed remedy to contain urban violence? Can he who writes the chronicle of the announced death validly repent? What is the responsibility of those who feed the hungry devil until he is too strong to the point where he can no longer be contained by the keeper?

It is necessary to understand, therefore, that the coup model that began with the illegal overthrow of President Dilma Rousseff continued with the electoral manipulation that took place in 2018 and will now have its third major stage, namely, the absolute control of the State through the admitted “self-coup”, being part of this the carrying out of successive purges of servants not aligned with the doctrine of the regime, and the recent news of the dossier of names of public servants, especially police officers and teachers, classified as anti-fascists, this is the indelible proof of the direction that the regime has already taken and which is now taking accelerated steps to materialize, that is, definitively closing it. This was the culmination of the radical instabilities of April and May 2020, in which several coup d'état rehearsals were carried out by Bolsonaro and his supporters, and when the cruel moment of accounting for the 100 deaths arrived, Míriam Leitão reproaches the President for fact that “For weeks on end, the country had to fight for life and for democracy. The name of this is also a crime. Responsibility offense. He should be punished with his removal from the Presidency. He does not deserve the chair he occupies” (LEITÃO, 2020, p. 16). It is remarkable how Leitão despises the fact that for years, not weeks, the Globo organizations, and itself, operated with singular dedication, to delegitimize and overthrow the Government of the Workers' Party chosen by the polls through the use of vile means, employing burda manipulation and deconstruction of the image of popular leaders.

The conditions are given and publicly available for access by even those who are moderately aware of the political scenario. We have already moved from an economic system organized under the level of formal democracy of medium/low voltage operated under constitutional dictates to new territory, that of the implementation of a power project that unites fascism and operating plutocracy in favor of a recolonized model of State whose absolute and unrestricted control rests with the United States of America (USA). These are critical references whose contempt makes any analyzes sterile, allowing questions about the sincerity with which they are written, and it is in this sense that we present the impertinence of Leitão's text. What the Globo organizations share is the destiny of Brazil as a merely abstract and formal democracy, staunchly opposing the crossing of this frontier to materialize democracy in a substantial and popular sense.

When we reached the halfway point of the presidential term, all the worst expectations were surpassed, it is true, but even the best of them was already sufficiently chilling that under no pretext institutions committed to democracy and the constitutional State could allow themselves the lightness of providing support to the character and/or hide his long sheet of deviations of all kinds, including his exclusion from the Army under disgrace. On this day, 11.08.2020, the experienced journalist concludes in an article entitled “At the center of the crisis that devastates the country”: “There were many mistakes that he [Bolsonaro] made in these months of our exile. We live a different exile, because we are apart from the virtues we admire in the country” (LEITÃO, 2020, p. 16). After all that Brazil and its people have been exposed to, Leitão's conclusion is that there were "mistakes", and "many", those committed by the Bolsonaro administration. Mistakes? Really, who, who can maintain that we live under a regime that makes “mistakes”? Are we to assume that those who hold doubts that the earth is not round are making “errors”? Is Leitão suggesting that the dossier containing nominata of anti-fascists is an “error”? Will the journalist say that vetoing the delivery of water and medicine to indigenous peoples is a “mistake”? Will she admit that the prosecution of governors who have employed themselves with maximum speed to buy respirators is a “mistake”? Can you admit that keeping the Ministry of Health without a holder during a pandemic is a “mistake”? Do you not hesitate for a second to relegate to the background and classify the absolute dehydration of public education as an “error”?

It is important to note the position occupied by the journalist in Globo organizations to understand the real meaning of her statement that the President of the Republic is “At the center of the crisis that devastates the country” (LEITÃO, 2020, p. 16), dwelling on the Bolsonaro’s personal character, specifying his “inability to feel the pain of the other and to live the link that connects a person to his neighbor. This is the most striking feature of the personality of the man who governs Brazil” (LEITÃO, 2020, p. 16). The vertical incisiveness of the criticism coming from the pen of the experienced journalist, a long time after the 2018 electoral process, leads to questioning the professional sincerity of the editorial line of the company and its journalists both in the present and in that electoral moment in which it was already quite clear candidate's background.

This scenario of knowledge of the personality as well as the history of the then candidate does not allow for surprise with the profile and exercise of power by the elected candidate. When Leitão presents a complaint that the President of the Republic is marked by a “lack of humanitarian feelings”, which gave rise to his expression of phrases such as “so what?” just like the “I am not a gravedigger” (LEITÃO, 2020, p. 16), the journalist and the company she represents is just facing the inexorable consequence of the clear political choice of the global corporate media, whose agenda is of manifest interest to the public. political power (cf. CHARAUDEAU, 2015, p. 257). The global potentate did not react negatively to the consequences of the character's election, conversely, omitted information to voters about the candidate's thousand praises of torturers and the bloodthirsty dictatorial regime imposed by the military in breach of the Constitution in 1964, as well as his plans to blow up an entire barracks and promises to close the National Congress and, as if that were not enough, he expressed regret for the fact that the military regime had not murdered at least 30 Brazilians. Today your Government has already, indifferently, according to unreliable official data, consented to the death of more than one hundred thousand people. Any word from Rede Globo about this famous interview? Neither the corporation nor Leitão raised the question to clarify the electorate when he had the opportunity to question the candidates during interviews on GloboNews. Who historically lacked a humanitarian feeling while bodies were crushed and tortured in multiple ways and today continue to suffer vilifications through the application of violence derived from fascist-post-neoliberal financier policies and security apparatuses?

The gravediggers continue to work incessantly today under the regime that the Globo organizations and the pen of Míriam Leitão supported, whose lament for the double work shifts under such difficult circumstances is not credible, maximum, too late. The lament for the incessant working conditions is especially impossible to grant the slightest credit, since the root of this evil is less Bolsonaro than Paulo “Ipiranga-financial market” Guedes and his anchorage in the Armed Forces umbilically associated with the USA, a set that embodies the interests disseminated by Globo organizations. Leitão regrets the risk imposed on gravediggers by working in grave ceremonies, a space where mourning is not even ceremonious, but he resolutely supported all post-coup movements to exterminate workers' rights, as well as Social Security and all constitutional provisions that had the most elementary instruments promoting even the most modest versions of the welfare state.

Resorting to moral censure, Leitão surprises by underlining the President of the Republic’s lack of greatness to work as a gravedigger, since “He would not have the greatness to help someone in a terminal moment” (LEITÃO, 2020, p. 16). Immediately, the question remains whether the organizations Globo and the pluma de Leitão, by any chance, would have the greatness to help the living, effectively supporting a State model that would prevent other tens of thousands of Brazilians from quickly taking the path of those already deceased. And the millions who do not perish like the 104 tragic victims of the military government whose rise was supported by Globo organizations, what to say about the absolute suffering of these survivors, exposed to the threat to their lives in the face of economic policy derived from the imposition of Guedes-USA -Armed forces without any legitimate political foundation? These millions are not buried, but for their suffering and pain in the streets and lack of medical assistance, Rede Globo does not cry, otherwise, mobilizing voices like Leitão, it continues to work for the maintenance of the economic policy that will multiply the corpses for which its pluma claims to tear and, at the same time, radicalizes the pain of the survivors. This is the direct consequence of the conglomerate's inalienable commitment to capitalism, which cannot be modified, as it is “driven exclusively by economic imperatives”. (WOOD, 2014, p. 75).

The Globo organizations do not deplore that the National Congress is virtually closed these days with only two active voices, that of the presidents of the two houses, absolutely controlling all referrals and legislative processes, while neither reporting nor criticizing the fact of guardianship military at the Federal Supreme Court (STF), under whose roof Gen. Ajax Porto Pinheiro, assigned to the Presidency of the STF. Globo organizations do not have a serious national political context in which the position of the military conceptually differs little from Alain Rouquié's description (1984, p. 87-88) of its bourgeois character, which “serves as an electoral militia when the necessary moment arrives, it is an important element in the formation of the Brazilian political system; because it is a space for the exchange of services between the State and private power”. The media conglomerate does not do so because it is associated with the understanding of the Armed Forces as a “space” for exchanges, which must still be complemented with its amalgam condition and guarantee that the State structures will be properly operated.

The Armed Forces guarantee compliance with the interests of private power by State operators, so that they continue to adapt to inevitable social changes so that they do not interrupt the delivery of promised results to private power, among which is the Marinho family itself. The Armed Forces play a historic role in Brazil in militarily guaranteeing the interests of big business from any moderate deviations from the ideological route that they apply at each historical moment, such as an important shift of budget resources to the rubric of popular interest. This State operation for purposes beyond its primary and constitutionally designed purposes cannot be carried out without the instrumentalization of the large corporate media, especially in the Brazilian case, a space in which Globo organizations have historically played a central role.

It is necessary to understand that the Globo organizations are firmly and inseparably linked to what is inhuman, anti-democratic, anti-sovereign and demophobic in Brazil, associated with anti-developmentalist ideals, despite the company accusing the Brazilian State of “perverse character”, of constituting a “machine of generate inequalities that provide precarious services to those who need it most” (Editorial, 2020), whose slow nationalist and sovereign construction begins with Getúlio Vargas. Theotonio dos Santos (1977, p. 17) points out that capitalism played a role similar to that of feudalism, but, due to the intensity of its exploitative character, it is a system that exercised power in an even more “violent and savage” way. The perversity of capitalism perceived by Santos was overcome at this historical moment by the financialist fascist-post-neoliberalism that receives the praise and ideological coverage of the big corporate media.

This violence is notably translated by the actions of the Marinho family that insistently operates, under any conditions and circumstances, even in times of genocide, to destroy the framework of the Brazilian State that serves the poorest and most miserable, who know nothing more than a bridle and whip under the system that the elite classifies as (formal) democracy, reason enough for Florestan Fernandes (1986, p. 58) to state that “For them, democracy is the reverse or opposite of what exists”. The destruction of state resources deepens the conditions that undermine any ambition to realize democracy. This effort is compatible with the roots of the neoliberal economic ideology, now overcome in its association with neofascism, which continues to try to persuade that the market is a space for interaction between free forces that will determine an adequate and efficient result, completely disregarding the immense concentration of capital and powers capable of determining outcomes.

We differ from praising the market as an instance of free competition of actors in price formation, opting for the interpretation of Foucault (2009, p. 282) highlighting that the role of the invisible hand is to disqualify the political sovereign under the sign of a variation of theological thought of a natural type (cf. FOUCAULT, 2009, p. 276) against which, therefore, criticism is forbidden even from the point of view of the power of rationality, thus posed as if it were a matter of faith. The very high economic forces do not even operate in the light and sight of the market, determining the results and their winners in the shadow space. This is not a market failure, but an articulated strategy to deceive the masses so that those in power maximize the conditions for extracting benefits. The democratic political agreements socially carried out and elevated to the constitutional sphere as a means of interdicting abusive advances in power have been the preferred target of the Marinho clan, since they provide for social rights and benefits that allow the guarantee of the minimum existential conditions, including Social Security, access to education and health, a context that is offensive to oligarchic objectives.

Under the sign of hypocrisy, the Globo organizations sign an editorial attributing a “perverse character” to the Brazilian State, Olympicly despising the company's political activity and its economic repercussions. Pointing the finger at the State and accusing it of “generating inequalities that provide precarious services to those most in need” is an argument filled with hypocrisy on a supine scale, as it is the Globo organizations that make up the group of leaders who manipulate public opinion to mold it to economic policy. The company participates in strategies to impose a tax system, the rock under which the foundation of pornographic (and growing) social inequality is laid, as well as the rules that allow tax evasion that Globo organizations know so well and intimately as they hide from the news. its print and broadcast media. Nothing is by chance.

The Marinho family criticizes the Brazilian State for providing “precarious services to those most in need” (Editorial, 2020), subliminally pointing out that the alternative to the precariousness of the State would be the privatization of the services currently provided by it, as if the private sector had conditions and, above all, an interest in serving the needy population. The position of power occupied by local elites to the detriment of national objectives and their own people requires ideological-mystifying interventions. In this sense, in the Brazilian case, there are at least two problems about which the Marinho family does not intend to inform the general public: (a) that the ultra-rich do not pay taxes; (b) that beneficiaries of profits do not pay taxation either; (c) that tax evasion is widespread; (d) that the withdrawal of rights will submerge millions in misery (e) that the privatization program supported by the Marinho withdraws from the State the financing conditions to provide more and better services to the millions of Brazilians who lack the provision of public services . In this sense, it is worth questioning whether the privatization of health would allow universal access to Brazilians? Will the privatization of water resources, enthusiastically supported by the Marinho family, be able to deliver water to those most in need? Obviously none of this will happen.

The relentless criticism of the Globo organizations to the public service does not include the acidity of their attention to the tiny fraction of truly privileged individuals, including the judiciary, members of the Public Ministry, specific and very determined sectors of the Legislative and Executive Powers and the military , which recently added to the vast set of privileges of high salaries. It is a specific reality that the Marinho family does not pay attention to, as they belong to the group of beneficiaries of military intervention and tutelage in the current regime, even if the accumulation of salaries of military personnel in the exercise of functions in public administration is unacceptable. The criticism of the “precarious services” provided by the Brazilian State to its population does not include any reference by the Marinho to the delivery of R$1,45 trillion to the banks, no analysis of the impact of the very serious expropriation of such a remarkable volume of resources referring to the original extractive culture . The Marinho family establishes an editorial line guided by resounding criticism when it comes to amounts in the order of tens of millions or a few billions invested in the direct benefit of the population, such as pensions, wages and social benefits, understood as “expenses”, and not social investments, return of resources to those who are their true owners. While the delivery of a large amount of resources to the banks is resoundingly silenced, the Marinho continue to criticize the State for the precariousness of the services provided.

Another of the Marinho family's media outlets reverberated the information that the R$1,43 billion cut in funds allocated to universities and federal institutes has the potential to prevent the resumption of face-to-face classes in 2021, while the MEC announced that the cut could reach the figure of R$4,2 billion. Guided by their economic-financial pact, the Marinho media did not present serious criticism of these cuts that, in practice, will make teaching in universities and federal institutes unfeasible. The lack of this handful of billions strangles education and, therefore, the future of the country, but under the economic logic of the Marinho family, nothing matters beyond weaving the ideological veil that legitimizes that the population does not perceive and does not react to the delivery of the fabulous amount of BRL 1,45 trillion to banks without conditions or consideration.

The statement by Jadir José, President of the National Council of Institutions of the Federal Network of Professional, Scientific and Technological Education (Conif), is illustrative of the reality that the Marinho despise: “There is not the slightest chance of us being able to touch the institutions. It is a serious, very serious situation” (Rectors say…, 2020). Neighboring the headquarters of the Globo organizations, the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ), according to Eduardo Raupp, pro-rector of the university, “would have a reduction of R$ 70 million, in nominal terms, without adjusting for inflation. Our budget, which previously only covered 10 months a year, will not reach even half of it”. (Deans say…, 2020). Therefore, for the Brazilian corporate media, there is no problem in handing over 1,45 trillion to banks and making Brazilian higher education unfeasible. Is it necessary to argue further to expose that it is not a question of the press but a mere conglomerate of ideological production guided by big capital?

For the Marinho family, it is not even necessary to mention who benefits and where the country's riches have been going for centuries, otherwise they just insistently focus on the supposed lack of resources. They manipulate Latin American history marked by the expropriation of wealth in favor of the local elite and their transnational associates and absolute harm to the population. Budgetary constraints are typical manifestations of strangling strategies for investing national wealth for the benefit of the people. As an example of this, the MEC released a note with an imposing content of budgetary restrictions for the year 2021, whose impact practically makes federal education unfeasible, and in a silent response to the theme the Marinho continue their incessant drive for privatizations, omitting themselves in the face of the requirement of “ additional effort in optimizing public resources”, despite the delivery of tens of billions to the financial sector as well as to extremely privileged economic segments. The Marinho position is not regrettable or unfair, but it is dishonest in relation to the people whose work they took advantage of to build a fortune of nearly two tens of billion reais. An example of the company's editorial policy is the omission regarding the sale of oil platforms worth less than tens of millions of urban real estate, and strategic refineries and oil pipelines, as well as, on a smaller scale, the disregard for the cut of R$17 million which should have been destined for the Federal University of Espírito Santo (UFES). The Marinho family has no other real concern to guide the editorial policy of their corporation besides the protection of economic and financial interests.

The corrosive effort of State structures is quite present in the Marinho media conglomerate, such as his omission regarding the desire of Paulo “Ipiranga-financial market” Guedes expressed in a ministerial meeting on 22.04.2020/3/XNUMX to “embrace” public servants to put a “grenade in their pocket” (his mother was a public servant), while, months later, the global media would present their regret that the wage reduction of public servants had been “only” XNUMX%, although they were silent about the delivery wells in the pre-salt reserves, hydroelectric plants, the privatization of profitable companies. This is the neoliberal economic ideological model whose adoption makes it unfeasible for the Brazilian State to efficiently fulfill its purposes, both recovering individuals from poverty and misery and investing in infrastructure, health and science without prejudice to the recognition of its servants. This is not the interest of the national elite embodied in the Marinho family, but the privatization of lucrative companies and the services that the State has to provide as much as possible.

Among the jewels in the crown that are avidly pursued is Social Security, whose privatization is sought by Paulo “Ipiranga-mercado Financeira” Guedes, with whom Globo organizations maintain excellent relations even when they show confrontation with the Presidency of the Republic. An example of the alignment of the Globo organizations can be seen in the editorial of the newspaper O Globo of 12.08.2020 in which it draws on the country, minimizing its potential by classifying it as a country “lack of investment capacity” as well as infrastructure, energy, sanitation and transport, but also safety, health and quality education. All these functions were the target of the Marinho family and its partners, operating repeatedly to prevent the State from being able to properly serve during the popular governments of the Workers' Party, through successive campaigns to delegitimize public policies and the constant torpedoing of economic policy that uses instruments of the State as inducers of economic development.

The Globo organizations embody the confrontation with the death of the policies that serve the great popular interests and national development. The aforementioned text by Míriam Leitão (2020, p. 16) summarizes economic thinking that undermines the minimum living conditions of the population, and here the crossroads at which it definitely links inseparably with neo-fascism, of which Bolsonaro-Guedismo is just one of the contemporary versions. The faces with which neo-fascism can present itself do not deny its core and essence, namely, the purpose of destroying the people in order to concentrate wealth even more. Resuming old practices for this is not a problem, such as hiding corpses, as the Brazilian military dictatorship did. Equally, just as the Nazi-fascists tried to do, practices are now being revived by the Bolsonarist strategy of quibbling about the number of dead, imprisoning and violating even numbers and statistics, all of this characteristic of a government that, admitted Leitão, “wanted to suppress the death numbers. There are many crimes. Yes, the word is this: crime”. (LEITÃO, 2020, p. 16).

So incisive and direct was the journalist's statement to admit that this was the proper classification of conduct by the extreme right in power, as it had not been observed for a long time when the anti-nationalist financial right was in power. Nor was it possible to observe such honesty when the political-criminal falsification woven to involve Lula ran rampant, namely that there was no crime. Today, Leitão's text overflows with sincerity to recognize crimes when corpses are counted in the tens of thousands, but not before his pen supports all the conditions for the current genocidal consequences to be generated. It is not possible to forget that we did not arrive here gratuitously, but that the country was led to the stage of war in which we live by the imposition of a coup d'état aimed at destroying the most modest vestiges of its sovereignty, even at the symbolic level, imposing on the puppet colonial executive duties such as saluting the American flag and explicitly subordinate its Armed Forces.

Leitão's text has always been absolutely aligned with the business-financial organization for which he provides his good services. The opinion of the Marinho family on the Brazilian State and the public service was conveyed through the editorial of its newspaper O Globo on 12.08.2020 (Editorial, 2020) and its content remains linked to the Millenium Institute. Compatible with the moment of radical economic crisis that the company is experiencing, the Marinho family continues to articulate strategies in the country's weakest moments to deepen processes of appropriation of national wealth by the private sector, which finds an emblematic example in the "privatization" of the fabulous Vale do Rio Still during the Fernando Henrique Cardoso government, a real attack against the country that witnessed the delivery at a low price, R$3,3 billion, an amount that was comparable to its annual revenue at the time, delivering to the consortium led by CSN a company positioned as the largest producer of iron ore in the world, and second largest producer of manganese, as well as many other ores of high importance and strategic and economic value. At the time, President Fernando Henrique even observed in his book “Diários da Presidencia: 1995-1996” the movement of Globo organizations in an editorial asking for greater dynamism in the privatization of Vale do Rio Doce, which evidences the historical predilection in economic political matters that guided the Marinho media.

The interest in weakening the State has been articulated since the 1990s by the neoliberal economic ideology derived from the Washington Consensus for export to peripheral countries. It is an economic policy whose essence is the minimal model of the State and, consequently, the destruction of its social structures wherever neoliberalism comes across them. The implementation of the ten measures of the Consensus is accompanied by an incessant attack on the public service, interspersed with distortions and lies such as that in the public service there are no dismissals (Editorial, 2020). With 100 dead on the table, and under the company's editorial allegation of mourning this immensity of dead, the Globo organizations do not give in and continue their attack against the only instance still capable of alleviating the pain and suffering of the poor and miserable, as well as projecting some chance for the future through public education, the basis for overcoming chronic poverty and for successfully confronting the reproduction of the lack of opportunities and professional and emotional qualification for social insertion.

Globo organizations prohibit the positive evolution of investments in these social areas, while their information conglomerate does not hesitate to lament and denounce the “failures” of the State in providing “good public services”, and by fueling the corrosion of the State, mortgages the conditions for overcoming the massacre of disinherited human masses. Under these choices, it is not possible to give credit to the Globo organizations shedding sincere tears for the death of tens of thousands of individuals while unconditionally adhering to and nourishing the economic policy that applies the extermination project. Nothing matters to the Globo organizations but to continue to support the enhancement of the interests of its partners in the economic and financial area, which presupposes the progressive weakening of the State up to the limit of its destruction, which inhabits the dangerous neighborhood of anarchy.

Had there not been a state model even if it was modest in size in relation to the needs of its population, behold, the present tragedy experienced by the Brazilian people would be far superior and intense. Paulo “Ipiranga-mercado Financeira” Guedes is one of the founders of the ill-fated Millenium Institute, which is dedicated to the destruction of the Brazilian State, to undermining the skillful instruments to serve the interests of the Brazilian people, opposed to those of the national elite, since allocators of resources for sphere beyond its control. The national elite and its transnational partners advance in all dimensions that the Brazilian State still provides services to the population, thus paving the way for its delegitimization before the population, gaining support for the process of real delivery of public companies and the privatization of services in general, such as education and health. The decision of the President of the Republic to veto the delivery of drinking water, medicines and equipment to indigenous peoples is compatible and illustrative of this purpose, as well as giving political support to the Government bureaucrats to set up “a system that denied aid to a baby because had a CPF, but handed the money over to a rich person without checking their income” (LEITÃO, 2020, p. 16). This tone of (dubious) indignation by Leitão contradicts with haunting references in the history of Globo organizations of attacks on the Unified Health Service (SUS) and the entire public health system whose privatization he has always insistently supported.

The allegedly so painful text by Leitão, sensitized with human lives, still found room to lament the “deaths” of legal entities: “The lines to support collapsing companies were so late that they failed” (LEITÃO, 2020, p. 16) , but it doesn't seem to have been this mere accident on the way, but design and good execution of the project. But what is the sensitivity of Leitão and the Globo organizations towards the poor and miserable Brazilians when supporting the extreme reduction of the role of the State and the provision of public services, namely their better chances of preserving life (health) and improving their lives (education ). Both are basic constitutional rights against which the Marinho conglomerate conspired, allied to the efforts of capital to destroy it from its very first moments in 1988. Under the pressure of the times, behold the recent editorial of the National Journal aired on 08.08.2020, resorts with a singular acidic tone to the terms of article 196 of CF/1988 to demand directly from the Presidency of the Republic to act to face the pandemic, reduce the number of deaths and alleviate collective suffering. Rede Globo dynamited the Brazilian Constitution since ancient times, and recently renewed its coup votes in the preparatory and execution period of the overthrow of President Dilma Rousseff. In this regard, it is necessary to remember again and again the lapidary warning of Ulisses Guimarães, incidentally, so often overlooked: “A traitor to the Constitution is a traitor to the Fatherland”.

The deleterious Instituto Millenium is a support point for the dissemination of the interests of the ultra-rich and the large transnationals that keep it standing, feeding an ideology that violates constitutional principles. This collective does not maintain an organic connection with the set of national interests, nor with its juridical-political organization under the agreed policy. The ideology of the oligarchy, falsified by its institutes and presented as neutral science, is inextricably linked with the impulse given by the controllers of the engine room limiting the real economy and the world of finance, disconnected from other dimensions with which only rhetoric serves as a fictitious element of connection. Possible internal differences and discrepancies of these forces converge on the attack on the State, on all spheres of public service, this being an old agenda of Globo organizations, whose economic interests have always overlapped their primary operation as a communication company, proof of this is the attack to Social Security as well as the undermining and deregulation of labor rights. Embodiment of interests alien to national development, Guedes-Bolsonaro and the Armed Forces-corporate media want to hand over absolutely all national riches, from oil to the most profitable public companies passing through the waters denied to indigenous peoples and now in the process of being privatized in Brasília.

The attack on public servants is strategic to corrode the Brazilian State, a movement that reflects the feeling of contempt for the people nourished by the national elite, oriented to privatize the public services that the country's riches (which belong to it) could offer universally when organized for such end and the tax order was organized and applied taking seriously the principle of progressivity. The appropriation strategy is also composed of intense persecution of public servants and the “purification” of the internal space of the State administration, carried out under the same logic applied in the period of the National Socialist rise. The Globo conglomerate is neither concerned nor pays any attention to the consequences of this destruction of the State, to the narrowing of freedoms in incessant, long and continuous steps, stupidly falsifying the thesis of the possibility of combining economic freedom and political authoritarianism (or even dictatorship) in the style of admission made by Friedman in the context of the Pinochet dictatorship in Chile, a target of open admiration from Paulo Guedes. With regard to the narrowing of the regime, there is unstoppable progress by the actors who perpetrated the coup against Dilma Rousseff, who guide their logic of power according to the military strategy of “successive approximations”, in fact, announced by the then vice-presidential candidate, Gen. Mourão, in an interview given to GloboNews. The agenda of the Marinho conglomerate is of little interest other than the implementation of an economic policy that transcends the previously known boundaries of neoliberalism, manipulating moral and customary guidelines to gain supporters in civil society.

The transnational oligarchy has a direct interest in dismembering the public service, with the media being the instrument to omit, confuse and build an ideological scenario based on information and misinformation. In the universe of reconfiguration of the real world, the operation of transforming the real source of expenditure into an essential and untouchable part of the public budget takes place, namely, the remuneration of rentiers – keeping silent about the large sums paid as interest on the external debt –, while report as “expenses” what is, in fact, investment, the allocation of resources to the true owner of wealth, the people. This irreconcilable opposition of interests is translated by the ideological construction that disqualifies as irrational the demands of one of the parties, the majority and popular.

The masking of this opposition is a task assumed by the corporate media, which has disconnected from its primary role in dealing with the news to articulate, from top to bottom, as capitalist companies, the treatment of information as an instrument that enhances its economic results and financial interests. Fulfilling this function implies attending to associated interests, and when operating the reconfiguration of the field of public opinion, the corporate media strongly interferes, for example, in the social perception about the role of the sources of financing of public services, namely, the most profitable and strategic companies public. The purpose is to leverage as much as possible the culture that supports the destruction of the structure of the Brazilian State, handing over wealth to the large transnational financial conglomerates and the levers of control of strategic companies to direct interlocutors of the empire whose economic-financial logic imposes expansion beyond their traditional areas of control but even in these, beyond the intensity of their historical control and dominance.

The orientation of the intervention of the big corporate media in Brazil also needed to maintain clear or underground articulation with the Latin American Armed Forces, reconfigured into mere national guards (cf. ROUQUIÉ, 1984, p. 166), in the wake of the geopolitical definitions of the empire . This movement was historically supported by the editorial line of the Globo organizations, guiding the company's coverage of international affairs by the strictest definition of identification with the empire, exercising a function identified by Theotonio dos Santos (1977, p. 12) of “hiding the class character of international relations [...] that are interested in maintaining deformed historical forms”, a thick veil that filters the real and the imaginary, whose concealment function produces the final result of partial, but not definitive, neutralization of reactive and revolutionary forces.

In this sense, it is absolutely compatible with the foreign policy adopted by President Bolsonaro, as well as internally when it emulates the imperialist orientation, which now occasionally deserved Leitão's criticism in the management of the Covid-19 crisis, less in the ideological plan of submission to the empire. than in personal aspects: “There were many demonstrations of lack of empathy and compassion in these painful months. There is nothing more to wait. Neither without feelings, nor in the ability to lead the country in the midst of a tragedy. He completely failed.” The reconfiguration of colonialism under the sign of the evident loss of sovereignty is not the object of criticism by Globo organizations, but, effectively, to point out that Bolsonaro personally would have failed, when in no case is it a “failure”, as Leitão postulates. This is not a failure or mistake, it is pure method, it is a model, it is a project, the same whose economic dimension is absolutely and unequivocally supported by Globo organizations, whose fortune, in their constitution and development, do not know what tribute is.

While barbarism runs without limits in the field of economic policy, Míriam Leitão, who embodies the spirit of Globo organizations, says she regrets so many lives lost as a result of the power project they supported to carry out the brutal appropriation of wealth, concentrating them even more in a national scenario that is already pornographically the largest on the planet, comparable only to that of the oil monarchies. The lament over the national tragedy expressed by the Globo organizations is doubtful, observable in the long article recently published in Jornal Nacional when it was taken as an object of criticism of the government policy on the date on which one hundred thousand deaths were counted. Under the same corporate roof Leitão (2020, p. 16) accuses the President of the Republic of having “manipulated conflicting feelings in a difficult time to feed the lie that he was not responsible. […]. This cost many lives”, but so many losses are not connected with the same virulence as the occurrences in the USA, that is, the criticisms of the journalist and the company to the President are personal, but not systemic, since with him there is full convergence and agreement.

The journalist's criticism of President Bolsonaro's manipulations is anchored in a manifest professional capacity to recognize those who twist the news to manipulate opinions, who falsify facts to determine political choices, in short, feed lies to reap direct political-electoral benefit from the hatred planted. This takes advantage economically as much as, at the same time, it implies loss of life, mostly anonymous, people who die by the handful, deaths directly caused by the hands of the neo-fascist version of the post-neoliberal monster ideologically fed with zeal and care by the Globo organizations through the preservation of Paulo “Ipiranga-mercado Financeira” Guedes and the gorillas that remain protecting him, not always with such discretion.

In this restricted circle of power there is no pain, mercy or any notion of solidarity, only terror, death, rape and the most atrocious violence in whose north lies the boundless potentialization of economic and financial interests. The fascist-post-neoliberal financier regime in uniform that we know showed all its commitment to the engineering of death, and its description was made by the journalist Leitão when pointing out that, to the extent that the Government passed on the message that it was unnecessary for the individuals to protect themselves, on the other hand, when the time of need came, “The federal government postponed what it could, with regimental maneuvers, with deliberate bureaucratic delays. This cost human lives” (LEITÃO, 2020, p. 16). Lives and more lives were handed over to chance and death to maximize the economic results of the regime.

For fascist regimes and their contemporary versions, all that inhabits their hard core is indifference to human life, with their mind turned to death, superior efforts directed towards its efficient organization and potentialization, either by action or by omission, both killing and leaving to die. Death is all that inhabits their tortuous minds, and when reading Leitão's lines pervaded by a supposed air of compunction married to reprimand, I remember the word hypocrisy tempered by the potentialization of evil. Leitão's judgment is correct, to whose text the tone of his criticism also applies: “Every time he conceded the phrase “I regret the deaths” it sounded false, because it was false” (LEITÃO, 2020, p. 16). The Globo organizations and their partners learned perfectly the meaning of Amaral Gurgel's conclusion (1975, p. 170) that “History judges that it is easier for democracy to fall ill than to reestablish it afterwards”, because, in fact, they never he was interested in establishing democracy in Brazil in spheres close to its material affirmation, nor that the country's riches were destined for the well-being of the population.

The history of sabotage and kidnapping of Brazilian national sovereignty united the various oligarchic sectors, from arms to banks that instrumentalize the press for the creation of the indispensable ideological and cultural veil capable of giving vent to what Florestan Fernandes (1986, p. 56) classified as being the “dream of the possessing and dominant classes is to pass this mystification of the “democratic regime” for an authentic “pluralist” democracy”. The modalities and intensities of the movements of dominion are the observable variations of the hard core of power that remains over time in Latin American history and, notably, in Brazil. The penultimate act of the expansion of Latin American military dictatorships, in the emergence of those dark days for democracy, carried at its core the weight of deaths, the corruption of uniforms, the destruction of the State, the compromise of public services, the compromise of workers' rights, the very high weight of the external debt contracted, also a weapon of control of national sovereignty that was also renounced by other means (see GALEANO, 2019, p. 209).

History testifies that more difficult than reaching the formal typology of democracy is to overcome it and consolidate a level of universal democratic substantiality. The replacement of formal democracy under oligarchic control is a qualitative political historical step whose expansion to the total universe of the population is an unknown phenomenon in Latin America. In Brazil, the task of recovering and reconstructing the State and democracy refers to the analysis by Florestan Fernandes (1986, p. 33) about the dawn of the New Republic, namely, that “it is up to us to extinguish a form of barbarism that should have disappeared with slavery or with the First Republic. This is the crux of political reasoning that cannot be confused with “national conciliation”.

* Roberto Bueno Professor of Philosophy of Law at UFPR.


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