high school reform

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By CARMEN SYLVIA VIDIGAL MORAES*

Education is not just preparation to operate in the world. But also to operate the world. What is something much more complex and demanding

“No ideological determinism can venture to predict the future, but it seems very evident that it is marked by the opposite signs of the apartheid or the social revolution (Francisco de Oliveira).

The purpose of these reflections is to contribute to the analysis of public education policies, in particular the Secondary Education Reform and BNCC, based on the contributions of Antônio Gramsci's thought.1

It is important, in the first place, to point out that in Gramsci, as well as in the critical sociology of education initiated in the 1960s – “from which the Prison Notebooks consist of a notable anticipation of an analysis program” (Frandji, 2015, p. 44) –, the “pedagogical relationship”, particularly in its school form, constitutes a place and a practice of exercising “power”. Secondly, examining the theoretical advances made possible by Gramsci's reflections means, as we shall see, confronting at the same time some modes of appropriation and uses of his conceptions in the analysis of the relations between structures of domination and cultural and educational practices in the processes of social reproduction.

In Gramsci's work, education or the “pedagogical relationship”, as he calls it in a broad sense, cannot be reduced to school education. The apprehension of Gramscian conceptions about education and its broad implications requires a complete study of the author's production, of journalistic and political writings prior to prison (1910-1926), of prison letters and, fundamentally, of all corpus of notebooks (1929-1935). Questions about education are inseparable from its global project, from the problem of hegemony, culture, intellectuals, the State, subordinate classes.

In Gramsci's conception, education expresses the fundamental relations of hegemony, but neither the complexity of hegemony nor the meaning of education can be understood by apprehending education only in school terms (Buttigieg, 2003, p.47). If in the context of his reflection, the two themes – education and hegemony – are introduced together, hegemony, a relational concept, is used in Gramsci's Marxist dialectic to indicate the social forms of exercise of domination by the dominant classes – bourgeois hegemony, always unfinished – in a permanent and contradictory relationship with social practices that oppose it, in the process of building a new hegemony by the subordinate classes. The concept of hegemony allows thinking not only about the domination of certain hegemonic groups over others, but, above all, “rewriting these power relations in a conception of historical change” (Rebuccini, 2015, p. 93). The emphasis on the conception of historical change, a fundamental aspect of his method, allows one to reflect on strategies of social transformation, and that the analysis is not restricted solely to the critique of social reproduction (Rebuccini, op. cit).

In this direction, another formulation is enunciated: the school, as one of the organizations of hegemony, establishes complementary relationships with the initiatives of a wide network of social, cultural and political institutions, the “systems or apparatuses of hegemony”: unions, political parties, churches , cultural associations, the press, radio, literature, libraries, theater, etc. that spread the conception of the world, the dominant values, but constitute at the same time a space of conflict, of struggle between divergent social practices, between opposing interests representing the different sectors of society.

As a matter of method and in line with the theoretical “canons” of historical materialism/philosophy of praxis, Gramsci's conceptual elaboration is developed within the framework of the analysis of concrete social reality in its historical movement. The concrete behavior of hegemony depends, for Gramsci, on the historical circumstances under which it is destined to operate and modify. What does a work of problematization/theoretical and political adaptation of Gramscian analytical categories mean, thought from the Italian reality in the context of contemporary mass societies, in the study of new configurations and historical-social conjunctures. An exercise that mobilizes two interconnected and central questions for Grasmci: that of translatability (CC11, X) and that of the “link between scientific analysis and research on a political strategy” (Rebuccini, 2015, p. 86).

It is in this perspective that Gramsci's reflections are stimulating and can contribute to a fertile reading of the Brazilian educational reality and the form to be assumed by political action today.

 

The neoliberal counter-reform in education

In a strongly regressive way, neoliberalism invested globally – as we can see in the different Reports that accompany educational planning in the US, since the Reagan era, passing through the White Paper of the European Union, and the Diagnostics and guidelines of multilateral organizations – BM, BID, OECD, WTO etc – in the break, more or less declared, with the process of universalizing education as a right, in the destruction of the high school, with a long trunk, common to the entire population, a school that had been consolidated in the post-war period worldwide. That is, a rupture with the process of democratization of education, of universalization of knowledge.

In Brazil, current measures in the educational field – National Common Curricular Base/BNCC and High School Reform (Law . 13.415/2017), Curriculum Guidelines for Technical and Technological Education and their forms of implementation in the country – are inseparable from economic policies spending contingency, labor and social security reforms, attacks on Fundeb.2

The reform or counter-reform is an integral part of a broad project of life and society of capitalism in crisis, and therefore arises at a time of radical dismantling of social conquests, of deconstruction of a long cycle of expansion of rights and consolidation of the labor legacy, of the installation of a salaried citizenship in the country. In our country, huge unemployment, flexibility, informalization and precariousness of work have redefined the social foundations of the working classes, uniquely affecting the future of broad sectors of working youth.

According to the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics /IBGE, between 2003 and 2020 the country recorded its largest population aged between 15 and 29 years in absolute numbers, about 50 million people, equivalent to ¼ of the national population. In the same period, the percentage of unemployed young people is also a record: 41% among individuals aged 88 to 14 years and 17% among those aged 26 to 8 years, in 18.

According to the IBGE, with regard to schooling, 28% of young people aged between 6 and 15 years are out of this stage of secondary education (17 million young people in this age group remain without any school link and approximately 1 million are still in elementary school).

In a parallel and complementary way, the impoverishment policies of the State and the questioning of public services by the “New Public Management” weakened the educational systems at the same time that they were opening up to the schooling of young people from popular circles. The current government's policy is not sensitive to international comparisons indicating that Nordic countries such as Finland, as well as other countries, “with an extensive public sector and high tax rates, can be highly competitive” (ANTIKAINEN, 2008, p. 42) . Their option is to submit to the dominant educational, economic and political agendas of globalization, an economic integration project that reinforces segregation and social marginalization (MORAES, 2017).

As occurred in England, for example, the Secondary Education Reform and BNCC determine the establishment of a minimum curriculum in secondary education based on the model of competences, whose subjects, as defined by the OECD, respond to the declared interests of the globalized and flexible market , preventing the exercise of the right to knowledge provided by basic education, common to all, universalized.

At the same time, quality public professional technical education is being destroyed, replacing it with professional training, with a flexible, fragmented and modular organization, removing its school form and molding it into continuing education, in order to facilitate its offer. by “employing organizations”, or by “other institutions, national or foreign” (according to art. 14 and 17 of the Resolution that modifies the DCN of EM).

That is, to allow its outsourcing to NGOs, educational companies and business associations, the expansion of the educational market, which will also be guaranteed by the possibility that 40% of the curricular content of the EM (80% in the case of the EJA modality) is given in the form of EAD. Associated with these measures, directly or indirectly resulting from the Secondary Education Reform, are the dissemination of so-called full-time schools in São Paulo, the policies to disrupt the offer of youth and adult education courses/EJA and the extinction of evening courses, exacerbating educational exclusion and social inequality.

The social attribution of the school of transmission of culture and human formation is questioned by the utilitarian conception presented in the theory of human capital and complemented by the model of competences, which reject any form of culture that is not governed by utility, performance and efficiency, or that is, by a measurable application (Laval, 2004). The “New Secondary School” promotes the standardization and increasing curriculum flexibility and its direct link with management practices centered on a certain conception of quality, on improving positions in rankings such as the Program for International Student Assessment /Pisa (OECD).

This continuous process of mutation of the school tends to transform it into an organization that produces manpower, the “human capital”, whose value only has meaning from the point of view of the supreme instance that is the market. But what market is this?

The insertion of our country in the globalized world through its transformation into an emerging financial market “has reserved for us a melancholy role -in the international division of labor” (Paulani, 2006, p. 67), with harmful effects for the national economy and its ability to produce a less unequal society. The neoliberal agenda accelerated the process of deindustrialization of the country's economy – which went from approximately 23% of GDP in the 1980s to 18-19% in the 1990s, and reaches approximately 9% today.3 Just as the process of fragmentation of the working class began, imposing the retreat of the formal working class, in absolute numbers, accompanied by the growth of informal workers at an astonishing speed.4

Public education policies seem to express the absence of socioeconomic demands for the production of science and technology in a country whose economy specializes in creating low-skill jobs and/or occupations, with the permanent destruction of production chains, the decline in the participation of the transformation, especially metal-mechanics in GDP. Brazil's new insertion in the international division of labor privileges primary exporting sectors, in particular mining, agroindustry, civil and heavy construction, and does not privilege qualified employment. The engines of accumulation are also concentrated in other sectors that do not employ specially qualified workers, such as the services sector, the financial industry, call centers, that is, telemarketing.

In order to better understand the manifestation of this neoliberal ultra-right in the current Brazilian situation, it is useful to carry out a necessary “conceptual excavation” (Bianchi, 2020) based on the formulations of Gramscian Marxism. In the first place, following the lead of Florestan Fernandes and Francisco de Oliveira, we can highlight the dialectic combination of modern and archaic social forms constituting the passive revolution that develops in the conditions proper to a capitalist semi-periphery, where advancement grows and is permanently fed. of the delay.

Information on the dynamics of the Brazilian economy in the financialized post-Fordism period can help clarify the course of a reform of secondary education whose intention, centered on the demands of the labor market, to promote employability, is far from being concerned with the technical quality of professional training, restricting knowledge and reducing the culture taught to the skills necessary for the employability of student workers.

In his studies on Americanism-Fordism, in CC 22 (1934), Gramsci shows us that the restoration of the hegemony of the new fractions of the American bourgeoisie, at that historic moment of organic crisis, involved a process of rationalization of work and production and, at the same time, a new adjustment between structure and superstructure, in the sense of recomposing the unity between the social relations of production and the apparatuses of hegemony, which led to the creation of a new type of worker, conformed from the combination of the elements of force and consent, thus promoting the diffusion of a new way of life that spread to other capitalist countries.5

In this direction, it can be stated, in the direction of Laval (2004, p. XVIII), that this school to be shaped by the reform, “at the same time more individualistic and more mercantile”, accompanies the destructuring of the Fordist mode of regulation and “ of the employment standard that is specific to him”.

As the author observes, what we are witnessing today, more than a passing “crisis”, is a mutation of capitalism. The analysis of recent school mutations indicates a tendency for the “universe of knowledge and that of goods and services to become confused, to the point that there are more and more those who no longer see a reason for being in the autonomy of the fields of knowledge or intellectual significance. regarding the policy of separating the world of school and business”. And, he concludes, “with the universalization of the mercantile connection of individuals, the time seems to have arrived for a weakening of the institutional forms that accompanied the construction of public spaces and nation-states” (Laval, 2004, p. XVIII).

In the specific case of Brazilian society, the option of the dominant class for the consented and subordinated insertion to big capital and the subordinate role of the country in the international division of labor has, as a result, the hypertrophy of training for simple work and class relations in the world and domestic level. That is, the society that is produced in inequality and feeds on it not only does not need the effective universalization of basic education but also keeps it differentiated and dual (Frigotto, 2018, p.49). What can be seen with the fragmentation of training paths, and in the specific case of technical education, with the introduction of short-term professional qualification courses and reduced training, the promotion of a new duality in the historical duality of teaching, as alerted by the researchers Evaldo Piolli and Mauro Sala (2019).

The presence of the private sector and, in particular, of the large corporations associated with investment funds in the dispute for public funds directed to the educational segment, in the first place subordinates public education directly to financial capital and explains the predominant logic that governs it: obtaining of quick profit (Adrião and Oliveira, 2018). In other words, the articulation between the State and private interests is reproduced, the spoliation of public funds in favor of private accumulation is promoted. Hence, “philanthropic influence” as a strategic movement by corporate leaders and private foundations “to raise power and rebuild public education in their own image” (Tarlau&Moeller, 2020, p. 555).

Secondly, still with regard to the analysis of the configuration of interests around conservative modernization, it is worth pointing out a research question: the importance of identifying, as Gramsci suggests, the complex web of private interests woven outside and inside of the (restricted) State with “a much greater degree of complexity than the simple immediate translation of property into political power” It is necessary to analyze the complex web that in our “passive Brazilian revolution” ties “the new to the archaic in an uneven and characteristic and selective combination” (Fontes, V., 2017, p. 27).

According to Gramsci's conception of the integral State, to arrive at the State in the strict sense, it is necessary to start from the study of civil society and not the other way around (Campos, PH, 2017). Add to this concern, the question posed by Jean Robelin (2018) about productive intellectuals “having lost their central organic role, in the transition from capitalism dominated by industry to a capitalism dominated by financial markets”. The domination of financial capitalism over industrial capital then leads to a shift in the organic character of intellectuals – and how does this change affect the struggle for hegemony?

I think that such an approach may suggest clues to the analysis of “the contemporary feature of the Brazilian State and the mechanisms that guarantee bourgeois supremacy in Brazil” (Bianchi, 2020), and thus enable us to better understand the educational policy in progress in the country, in terms of national and local.

Productive intellectuals (engineers and technicians) have lost their central organic role in the shift from capitalism dominated by industry to capitalism dominated by financial markets. The profit maker, who feeds financial capital, replaces the organizer of production, the one who links technique and labor. This figure corresponds to the transition from internal financing of companies to financing for financial markets. According to Jean Robelin (2018), studies have shown how, in the medium term, the rate of investment in research and development has fallen in relation to the turnover of companies.

If the first figure of the organic intellectual is that of the direct profit taker, the person carrying out financial transactions, in charge of calculating and socializing the risks taken in the financial markets to society as a whole, which will have to pay for them, the second figure of the organic intellectual is that of the one who performs functions of management and profitability of the work force, the one of the DRH. Human resources mark the total subordination of labor productivity to capital production. It is necessary to forge an entrepreneurial self in every worker. The General Staff passed from technical leadership, typical of Fordism, to the formation of a social conformism based on the leadership of men.

It is about shaping a neoliberal common sense, a way of perceiving and defining one's own life in the market, of perceiving the market through the company's profitability, which can only be achieved through mechanisms of constraint or acceptance that constitute the core management based on the illusion of the measurability of complex performance and its social nature. This is how the anthropological and psychologizing dimension of social technology overlaps the technical dimension, contrary to what happened in Fordism. The making of oneself and self-realization are subordinated to one's ability to perform and sell this ability in the market, that is, to one's employability, to one's entrepreneurial ability.

This brief digression intends to contribute to a better understanding of privatization strategies in the educational field, of the process we have witnessed of transferring activities, assets and responsibilities from governments and public bodies to private individuals or agencies. And, more specifically, as shown by Adrião, Garcia and Drabach (2020), the transfer of responsibilities from Seduc and SED , in the case of the State of São Paulo, in relation to three dimensions of basic education – the curriculum, the offer and the school management to the private apparatus of hegemony – to the business coalition of Todos pela Educação, to the Ayrton Senna Foundation, Lemann Foundation, Itaú-Unibanco Institute, in addition to the participation of Mackinzei and Company –, among many others, which embody the impersonal and bureaucratic voice of capital in motion.

We know that since the transformation of education into services, in the FHC government, the privatization process has gone through three phases – commodification, the beginning of the process of commercialization of education; financialization, the process of acquiring and transferring education as assets in the financial market, and the third phase, when in addition to monopolization and internationalization, companies migrate to basic education, constituting a business sector, employers, increasingly influential, and articulated at the national level, imposing forms of working relationships on teachers in private schools, interfering in political-pedagogical projects.

According to the coordinator of the Confederation of Workers of Teaching Establishments / Contee, José Ribamar Barroso (2018), we would be in the fourth phase, with even greater financial concentration accentuated by the pandemic. In this pandemic phase, in addition to other interventions in the conception and educational dynamics and in the school form of public institutions (endogenous privatization), there is the presence of platforms in the realization and control of learning and teaching work, reducing the teacher's autonomy, by incorporating of their knowledge, and of the student submitted to the pedagogy of algorithms. Here we have a large international, global coalition, represented by the Bill Gates Foundation, Google, Microsoft, the Lemann Foundation, among others, whose presence could be perpetuated with the possibility of hybrid teaching in public schools.

In summary, it is important and urgent to indicate how this “business balloon” operates – in the terms of Virgínia Fontes (2017) – in the appropriation of public funds, the way in which the expanded reproduction of capital is generalized, and the way in which it is leading the way in structuring and conducting the pedagogical and training field for the labor market of Brazilian working youth?

The set of studies and research focused on changes in educational processes, carried out by researchers from the Public School and University Network, the National Observatory of Secondary Education, the Federal Institutes, the Paula Souza Center and other public universities, have indicated with great relevance the public relationship – private in the gestation/elaboration of the BNCC and High School Reform, in which the State of São Paulo was the main laboratory, and in it, the State Center for Technological Education Paula Souza/CPS,6 giving continuity to the neoliberal project conceived in the FHC government, from which it never departed, the privatization of the public, in different formats, and the dissemination of the pedagogy of competences in the different dimensions of school work.

As these studies point out, today we have a significant picture of advances in business domination in the dispute for hegemony in public education:

– The transposition of the business, managerial model to the scope of the public school, the desymbolization and delegitimization of the school as a space for the production of knowledge and human formation.

- The construction of a national and international “governance network”, which promotes closer public-private relations through policies that induce partnerships with companies, foundations/entrepreneurial thinking centers – the private apparatuses of hegemony – in the elaboration, production and evaluation of educational policy, teacher training and production of material and textbooks.

- The fragmentation and lightening of training for public school students, restricting access to the scientific knowledge necessary for apprehending the world and building individual and social identity; the de-schooling of professional technical education, via training itinerary, which assumes the format of continuing education, modular organization, and EaD, largely promoting the deepening of the privatization of education.

- The deconstruction and degradation of professional education, when the technician is deprived of the theoretical foundations that constitute them and inform work activities, and reduced to competences, operational knowledge aimed at the specific demands of the market, promoting a new duality in professional education in the context of the structural duality of secondary education.

- The increase in educational exclusion and social inequality via control of school times through the expansion of so-called full-time schools, the reduction in the offer of night courses and youth and adult education/EJA.

 - In addition to the standardization of curricular contents, via measurable competences, in response to the demands of large-scale results evaluation processes, the changes impose curricular flexibility and training fragmentation, characterizing – in its policy of exclusion and reinforcement of inequalities – a increasingly stratified network, seeking to adapt the training of working youth to the more segmented and hierarchical labor market, and making “adaptability” its foundation in containing the immense contingents of young unemployed workers and in informal situations.

Therefore, the performative perspective of transversal contents – now disciplinary contents – such as “life projects”, “entrepreneurship” – in which cognitive, socio-emotional and personal competences seek in an unethical way – which can be characterized as true moral harassment – ​​conforming a new subjectivity to working-class youth, molded according to the values ​​of individualism and meritocracy, in order to build a new conformism to lowered living conditions (resistance to frustration), unemployment, precarious work and evil paid, the lack of social mobility.

Finally, in terms of labor barbarism, the new trend is to talk about the end of employment as we know it. The most worrying thing is that many times, such spraying of careers and trades is presented as an inevitable result of “modernity”, as something we have to accommodate and even celebrate.

However, as Regis Moraes (2017) observes, the way in which automation and “reengineering of occupations happen has nothing to do with a technical fatality (there is a technical dimension, which is something else). This technical dimension is a “window of opportunity” to reduce labor costs – that is – to squeeze those who work.

This high technology engineering process of companies and capital resembles a “true Frankenstein” – according to Ricardo Antunes. The speed of innovations – 3D printing, algorithms, internet of things, 5G generation, artificial intelligence – promotes work degradation and environmental degradation. Amazon, Uber, Ifood, etc., have reissued the “new digital servitude”, inaugurating a growing process of “uberization” of professions, which includes – including – teaching.

It is important, in my view, to return to Harry Braverman and his work on the historical process of dispossession of workers' knowledge by capital.7 Work that was contested and, to a certain extent, abandoned, in times of productive restructuring, adoption of the paradigm of flexible automation in the organization of work processes in production. What we are experiencing today is not precisely about the passage from a Taylorist form of work organization to a flexible one: rather, it seems to be the passage from a mechanical Taylorism to a digital neo-Taylorism. Mechanical Taylorism, which marked the American economy of the XNUMXth century, captured the artisan's knowledge and embedded it in processes and devices.

Digital Taylorism translates operative knowledge into codified and digitized operative knowledge, embeds it in software packages, and redistributes it in space. This implies translating the intellectual work of managers and technical professionals into operant knowledge, by capturing, coding and digitizing into software packages, models and standards that can be transferred and manipulated by others, regardless of their location.

The impact of automation and the export of jobs is also felt in increasingly sophisticated and qualified “white collar” professions. There are, of course, too – areas that require non-routine cognitive tasks, those of top management and science and technology. However, empirically based studies state that n. of jobs to operate high-tech instruments will be greater than the jobs that require professionals like scientists and engineers, educators in universities.

A service society? A society without jobs for the majority, with huge spare population? A kind of “statist class society”, according to Francisco de Oliveira's definition? Incidentally, as the author prophetically stated in his book “The rights of anti-value”, published in 1998: “the ruling classes in Latin America have given up on integrating the population, whether in terms of production or citizenship… But, the groups and classes Dominant groups in Brazil no longer intend to integrate, even if through mechanisms that reify exclusion. What they intend is to segregate, confine, we would say definitively, consecrate in some cases, reinforce in others, the true apartheid between classes, between the dominant and the dominated … What is seen is a growing distance, intranscendence and incommunicability between social classes”.

And Chico de Oliveira still explains: “The apartheid is characterized by the creation of a semantic field in which the meanings of rights and civilizing achievements, embodied in social, labor, civil and political rights, are transformed into obstacles to economic development, and more, are transformed into causal factors of misery, poverty, exclusion and lack of citizenship. … There is in the air a kind of sociability of separation, segregation, confinement; on it, reinforcing it, the policies undertaken increase its reach, legitimize it, and supreme irony, metamorphose it into modernity: the signs of apartheid they are now signs of individuality, of entrepreneurial capacity” (p. 215-216).

I believe that the consonance of these intentionalities of the dominant classes registered by Francisco de Oliveira with those of the current “public” education policies are evident. Which does not mean that such a scenario will develop fatally. It will be up to the subordinate classes to react, not accepting what is often presented to them as a technological fatality, and to build a new society, a new hegemony.

And education is not just about the job market and pay. Education is not just what the neoliberal vision has reduced it to, the commodity that the theory of human capital strives to give a forum of legitimacy. We learned that the school does not only employ goods, does not only produce services, but carries values ​​that make a certain idea of ​​the common good present and sensitive, the conception of education as a public, collective good (Laval and Dardot, 2016). Or, as Regis Moraes (2019) reminds us, Education is not just preparation to operate in the world. But also, who knows, to operate the world. Which is something much more complex and demanding.

 

Finally, the propositions

In this scenario of dismantling of national public education and violent invasion of education by the private sector, it is imperative to raise the flag of struggle for the repeal of the Secondary Education reform. Contrary to what the business reformers and the state technocracy responsible for the reform (law 13.415, 2017) claim, we have a consistent proposal for secondary education, historically constructed by popular social movements and organized democratic educators.

We agree with the analyzes that qualify secondary education in Brazil not because of its “failure”, as stated in the discourse of the proponents of the reform, but because of the absence of public policies that promote its universal and quality offer as a right to be guaranteed to all Brazilians. .

We understand that high standards of educational quality and the good performance of students are not achieved only by curricular changes, but through policies that guarantee public resources, budgetary for public education, that enable valued teachers with a career, working conditions, school well-equipped schools, with technological support, stable technical staff and integrated pedagogical project and basic human training. In this direction, it would be essential to expand the network of Federal Institutes of Education, Science and Technology to achieve the universalization of technical education integrated into secondary education, an achievement of democratic educators and popular and union movements.

Finally, it is necessary to reaffirm that public education policies are inseparable from other public policies related to different dimensions of society. That is, the quality of the school and the good educational performance of the students are related to the living conditions of the population, their right to work, qualified and well-paid employment, the right to public health, to culture. Which, in turn, requires the reaffirmation of democracy in the country and the reconstitution of the social rights taken away from the population. Let's hope that the year 2023 marks the beginning of these changes.

It is important to reaffirm once again that the democratic policy applied at school, although inseparable from a global policy aimed at overcoming social inequality, cannot be just a policy to compensate for growing inequalities in market societies (Laval, p.312, 315 ). As we have historically argued, following Gramsci, equality of access and conditions is not enough, but also equality of fundamental intellectual objectives, universal access to the domain of culture, science, knowledge. Resisting now means fighting for the repeal of the counter-reform and reactivating secondary education with an integrated curriculum, with integral human training, a utopia (as a historical possibility) cherished by the left since the end of the XNUMXth century, in the struggles of the workers.

We must oppose the current deregulation measures in educational policy and build another educational policy aimed at the interests of the working population, democratically designed with the participation of social groups, educational subjects, those who carry out public education in the different stages of teaching , in the different governmental spheres – federal, state and municipal.

Lula's victory and the opportunity for a democratic, republican government, gives extreme urgency to the reconstruction, in social representations and in political programs, of the conception of education as a public, collective good and, for this, as some of us are insisting in their public demonstrations, we – educators of all school stages – need to unite and build, in our theoretical diversity and political plurality (critical historical pedagogy, Paulo Freire pedagogy, conception of work as an educational principle, among others), a democratic front of resistance both to Bolsonarism's negationist attacks and privatist strategies in their different retrograde shades, and to the financial capital that sustain them, for the construction of a new hegemony.

*Carmen Sylvia Vidigal Moraes is a full professor at the Faculty of Education at USP.

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Notes


  1. Article elaborated from the reflections produced for the seminars carried out by the Research Group Work and Education of FEUSP in collaboration with the Public School and University Network and with the GMarx Groups (History-USP) and Public Policies, from Unifesp. Part of the text was published in Praxis and Popular Hegemony Magazine (2022)
  2. Part of this strategy, among others, is the enactment of Constitutional Amendment 95, of December 16, 2016, which freezes investments in public policies for 20 years, making it impossible to achieve the goals of the PNE; non-compliance with the allocation of 10% of GDP to education; Law 13.429, of March 31, 2017, on unrestricted outsourcing; law 13.467, of July 13, 2017, on labor reform (intermittent work); law 13.415, of February 16, 2017, on the reform of secondary education; and CNE/CP Resolution No. 2, of December 22, 2017, which instituted and guided the implementation of the National Common Curricular Base (BNCC).
  3. In this respect, see LG Belluzzo's interview with Antônio Martins about O futuro do Trabalho, in Other words, of 20/07/2021.
  4. For an important analysis of informality and its conceptual treatment in Brazilian historiography, see Secco, L. “The sense of informality”, in the earth is round, 27/04/2020. https://aterraeredonda.com.br/o-sentido-da-informalidade/
  5. In this regard, see considerations by Lúcia MW Neves, in Neves, L. (2009). Review: Americanism and Fordism. Antonio Gramsci. São Paulo. Hedra, 2008, 96p. In. Work, Education, Health. Rio de Janeiro, v.7, no. 1., p. 191-195, Mar-Jun, 2009.
  6. On the subject, see Moraes, Carmen SV; Reis, Elydimara Dursa dos; Alencar, Felipe (2022), and Reis, Elydimara Dursa dos; Alencar, Felipe (2022).
  7. I refer to the important work of Harry Braverman, Labor and Monopoly Capital, published in 1966, in the USA, and in 1974, in Brazil. In this book, the author discusses the industrialization process, the technological and organizational changes in work, from its beginnings in England to the monopoly capitalist period, and its consequences on the nature of work and the composition of the working class.

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