By RONALD VIZZONI GARCIA*
The State University of Rio de Janeiro is a place of academic production and pride. However, it is in danger with leaders who show themselves to be small in the face of challenging situations.
The recent police intervention directly attacks the symbol of resistance and social transformation that UERJ represents. In a state marked by corruption and inefficiency, where governors face prison for their crimes, the State University of Rio de Janeiro (UERJ) is a place of academic production and pride. However, it is in danger with leaders who show themselves to be small in the face of challenging situations.
In the 1990s, UERJ stood out by offering salaries higher than those of federal universities. During this period, UERJ improved its teaching staff through competitive examinations. This change in academic profile impacted research and the master's and doctoral courses that were emerging. Evaluations of higher education courses in the 1990s highlighted progress, a phenomenon not exclusive to UERJ, but which was felt more sharply there. New developments, including in access to higher education.
This progress culminated in a major change in the access policy. UERJ pioneered the quota policy in 2000, with 50% of places reserved for students from public schools, and in 2001, with 40% for self-identified black students. Studies on quotas, with UERJ as the protagonist, did not endorse the thesis of “education failure” and “baseless students”. On the contrary, they exposed the statements about meritocracy as ideological and unfair.
The direction taken by UERJ contrasts with that of the state government. Over the last two decades, UERJ, as well as the entire state civil service, has been dragged into a resource crisis (changes in the distribution of oil royalties, but not only) and the arrests of governors involved in corruption schemes. This institutional weakness remains. The granting of CEDAE guaranteed peace during the election period, favoring the reelection of the current governor.
Let’s look at recent events. During the elections for the Rectorate, ticket 10, formed by Gulnar Azevedo and Bruno Deusdará, was elected with a platform that promised a “popular university”. Among the promises were the maintenance and expansion (yes, expansion) of student grants. They advocated a more efficient assistance and retention policy for students. The ticket even signed a letter of commitment with unions and student organizations. At the beginning of the elected administration, an Executive Act of Administrative Decision (AEDA) extended student grants until the end of 2024. A clear signal that the promises would be fulfilled.
Since the beginning of 2024, UERJ has been facing budgetary problems, reflecting the fiscal issues of the states. As a result, the salaries of substitute teachers and outsourced workers have started to be delayed.
Austerity and resistance
In July, the Rector's Office issued an Executive Order of Administrative Decision (AEDA 38), which reduced the number of students eligible to receive financial aid, cutting approximately 1.500 students. The order determined that food assistance would only be granted to students on campuses without a university restaurant. Transportation assistance was set at R$300, to be paid in monthly installments depending on the availability of funds. The new rule also required a gross family income per person of up to half the minimum wage (previously, the limit was 1,5 minimum wages). The criteria for vulnerability assistance also changed.
In addition, the material aid was reduced from R$1.200 to R$600 per month, and support for early childhood education was limited to 1.300 students. Now, a more rigorous analysis will assess the aid. Students must be enrolled in at least three subjects, have a minimum attendance rate of 75% and complete the course within the expected time frame.
The measure prompted a response from students, who occupied the Rectory on the Maracanã campus on July 26. The action then spread to other UERJ campuses. In the first days of the occupation, the Rectory compared the students to the “January 8 coup plotters” (supporters of former president Jair Bolsonaro with coup intentions), in an attempt to delegitimize the movement. There was also repression by UERJ’s outsourced security, preventing the entry of food and medicine for the occupants, in addition to physical assaults. The union of outsourced security workers condemned the measure.
In its relationship with organized segments of UERJ, the Rectorate also began to attack the teachers' association (ASDUERJ). In a letter from the Vice-Rector of Personnel, which he read at the union meeting, it suggested that the union's leadership be dismissed. In addition, the Rectorate refused to negotiate directly with the student strike command, preferring the Central Student Directory (DCE), even though the latter's failures were public knowledge. Members of the current administration are said to have participated in the CEDERJ corruption scandal and in the leadership of the Cláudio Castro government.
In short, on the one hand, we have administrators who are distant from the political processes that elected them. Questionable political strategies were used according to a convenient interpretation of the law. On the other hand, the student movement, which, despite being mobilized, could have more impact if it managed to keep internal differences in the background and act in alliance with a broader spectrum, inside and outside the university.
Engaging the population is key to putting pressure on public figures who have a major role in the crises in the state of Rio de Janeiro. The fetish for escalating right-wing confrontation should give way to political intelligence. A clear strategy, advances and tactical resources to form alliances based on the defined strategy. This, indeed, changes the balance of power.
Uncertain future
After 56 days of occupation, the Rio de Janeiro state military police acted with the brutality that is typical of protests by teachers, technicians and students. The brutal event culminated in the inclusion of the name of UERJ in the national news, with the arrest of congressman Glauber Braga (PSOL-RJ) and three students. The repercussion was so great that the president of the National Congress, Rodrigo Pacheco (PSD-MG), had to call the governor of Rio de Janeiro, Cláudio Castro, to remind him of the parliamentarian's prerogatives. Hours later, they were all released.
The PSOL promises to take legal action in the Supreme Federal Court (STF). The NGO Justiça Global will report the abuse of force to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights and the UN. The Rector's Office will inventory the damage to property and help identify the culprits. The Rector's Office promises to pay students affected by its decisions 500 reais per month until December.
Nothing seems to indicate a change in the direction of the conduct of the protagonists of these conflicts. These choices will have consequences for the main parties involved in the long term. Criminalization and resentment are poor investments for the future.
Free, quality and accessible public education must be an intergenerational agreement. The university not only reflects the difficulties of the state of Rio de Janeiro, but also symbolizes the defense of a more inclusive and equitable future. If the state’s decline is not addressed, UERJ risks becoming a reflection of inequality and exclusion. Therefore, it is vital to bring UERJ back to the center of the political and social debate, ensuring that its mission of promoting quality education is not compromised.
*Ronald Vizzoni Garcia holds a PhD in political science from the University Research Institute of Rio de Janeiro (IUPERJ/UCAM).
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