A Brief History of the Plague – III

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The meaning of the plague in the XNUMXth and XNUMXth centuries


Among the medical incubation of 1467-80, by Sir William Osler, is a libel entitled of plague, attributed to the philosopher and physician Johannes Itrensis, printed in Rome, in 1476, in the first chapter of which he says what it is: "Pestilence, for, as written by Ali Abate fifth, or theologically, is mutation in the corruption and putrefaction of the air by the loss of temper in its substance and quality. Therefore, it is easily concluded from this that the air can be altered in quality and substance by gathering and not gathering. For mutation is according to quality, when the air, according to heat and frigidity, reaches such an intolerable disposition that crops, animals and life are corrupted. (...) The mutation in the substance of the air itself is such that it becomes malignant, even if some quality has not collapsed much, and it, even having occurred alone, is what can truly be called pestilence” [I].

For each region there is a specific form of air that induces a specific effect, the plague being the intolerable one, caused mainly by the intemperate form or deformation of the air in a given region, making it unbearable. What the ancients said was wind, is called air, a lexical change proposed by the medical plague, at the end of the XNUMXth century, from the meeting of the elements, conceived according to the Aristotelian categories of quality and substance, in addition to those of relation and quantity, to which temperament is linked, and where and when, which place the plague regionally.

In 1543, the celebrated Parisian physician Jacques Houllier, commenting on Galen, re-proposes in Latin the following Greek and ancient consideration of the plague:

“Plague, however, was defined by the ancients as a truly pernicious fever, whose heat so much exceeds that of the others, that it is singularly putrid, but the essence of it they explained in the least. Whatever it may be, however swiftly, continually & vehemently it moves, it is of the kind of continual and most acute fevers, having something more malignant than poisonous fate, which surpasses the measure of all common putrefaction. This type of poisonous disease first invades the vital breath (as all poisons, due to its double property, attack the heart, source & home of life), and then it spreads through the universal viscera, and throughout the entire body. .[ii]

The medical plague continually appears in connection with burning fever, to which heat is added which putrefies in an unusual way. The movement of fever in the body coincides with the rapid, continuous and vehement advance of the plague in the city. Compared to the fever that affects people who are poisoned, because it is equally continuous and acute, but more malignant, it is called a poisonous disease, virus venenatum, on what virus refers to at least four actions comprised in the verbal root िवष् , vish, from which it derives and which trace the plague's itinerary: initially, to the action of spreading, as it spreads throughout the city; then that of going to see, because, spreading out, he visits everyone, making himself universally present; then, that of separating, since it is a presence that distances; finally, that of devouring, since it consumes men in a voracious way. the latin virus is the same as the Greek ijo√ß, which means dart, both from िवष, visa, poison. The poisoned dart, in turn, is linked to the local quality appellation िवषम, vishama, irregular, which designates an iniquitous and harsh place where there is difficulty, misery, difference, the modes of pestilential disease where it occurs. The airway through which this poison enters links the reach of the darts to the blows of the bodies, on which, having been hit, it acts dissimilarly, depending on the way in which it spreads through the small city of the body.

in your libel of plague, published posthumously in 1572, the same medical doctor says that the plague is a mode of epidemic:

“Epidemic is disease at some time of the year and prevalent in certain places, which, if many carry it, is called loimodes, i.e. pestilential, & loimoes it is the plague, a disease that, spreading popularly, kills many. And these diseases of the air must be completely distinguished from those that are called sporadic, whose cause is the antecedent reason of life. And, first of all, it is necessary to pay attention to where such public calamities originate in the first place. For it also belongs to the reason for healing. They are sporadic, proper to each one, and vex only the common population, and almost always in the time that precedes a long famine and rare harvest, when they evidently swallow the foods that are accessible to them, from which the corruption of the humors accumulates. For if a fruitful harvest & more abundant yield of grain succeed, they are also filled more than usual. But, not pure bodies, the more they are nourished, the more they are injured. For the well-juiced body, by the multitude of accumulated food, is sooner corrupted by life. There is no need to fear contagion so much. The other species, which is more contagious through the air, spares no one, catches the temperate & certainly the most, because, even if we don't want to, we will commonly swallow the same air. And, almost always, the Austros and the sea breezes, the warm & humid constitution of the autumnal season, that is, when it is now hot, now cold, carry the plague. The cause some seek in heaven & in the decrees of the stars; others are less troubled by the investigation of the previous cause. Much more effort must be made so that we divert present causes, that is, we correct the breath of air in some way and bring, in this terrible scourge, what is by art & advice granted, to us & to the most salutary help. For the air is corrupted now by the slaughter and destruction of men, now that of beasts, by stagnant and putrid waters, or by the evil breath of the earth, noxious winds, even by the pestilential influx of the star, by the filth of mechanics, as the of tanners”.[iii]

The epidemic plague at that time lingered in certain places, and there was a certain season of the year in which it persisted, so that it could be limited to the scale of this or that city, without extending too far, as will be seen in the journey of the London plague, de 1665. As what distinguishes it is the large number of those it leads, it is inevitable that this march is popular, which makes it a public amputation. Public disasters arising from diseases happen or disperse, where the grains and shortages of life add up or the excesses of those who live at risk of lack corrupt the body's humours, not being a common disaster but proper to the common people; or concentrated and more contagious, because they bring everyone through the air that brings the plague, becoming common disasters. Medical consideration of the cause of this pestilent type of epidemic puts present causes before former ones, since it is the art and medical advice to help the sick; but, as the disease originating from the air is common to all, the present care is placed on the various causes that present the corruption of the air, almost always linked to the devastation of animal, vegetable, mineral beings produced by human work.

Almost twenty years earlier, in 1553, the medical doctor Jacques Dalechamps, dealt with the causes of the plague at the beginning of the first of his Three books on the plague:

“The causes of the plague, not all the ancient physicians pursued, either because in their time this evil did not so often plague them, or because they did not know the reason for them at all. Whence it happens that, once the causes have been remedied, this hitherto ignored disease is at cost cured by us. The nature of ancient plagues has not been wholly unknown, but not yet so discovered & explained that this knowledge was sufficient to institute a cure. Now, the origin of this atrocious evil is threefold: the first, the grave inspiration of heaven & stars; the other, the nocturnal vapor exhaled from the lands; the third, composed simultaneously of both. And, although philosophers suppose nothing on earth happens that has not been excited by the force of heaven and stars, the physician still does not estimate it so hastily. The diseases that arise from the influx of the stars & the vicious constitution of the sky, are for the Greeks epidemics; which, from the breath of the lands, and equally from the presence of both causes, lethal to many, are, as much for us as for the Greeks, plagues. The sky blows this evil upon us, or while the stars converge infendently towards the race of men, or while the stars sparkle, comets pay us a visit, ardent torches fly through the void. For by the air thus vitiated, and by the fruits of the earth and animals which we eat, the humors in our body are depraved, and gravely, either by the multitude, or by the quality, or simultaneously in the name of both, they induce the plague. The vice of air is, therefore, the external cause of this disease, a cause that we sound like saying primitive; already the decline that has been transferred to the humors of our body, internal or antecedent. This, however, in my judgment, will become clearer, if I write down the history of the plague that at our age and for several years.[iv]

Ignorance of the causes makes the disease ignored, the cure of which requires the institution of cognition that sufficiently explains it and finds its nature, but researching the causes of an illness implies the frequency with which that same illness advances over time, the plague being the advance frequent one for which there is no research: ignored disease. Knowing it demands distinguishing its origins, finding its different sorts, in the search for the cure of each one, so that there is the epidemic plague coming from the stale air caused by some corruption of the sky, being thus descended, and the pestilential plague which ascends from the breath of the earth, with or without celestial assistance. The aerial and decadent plague, as it comes from the depravity of the air, finds its external and primitive cause in the vice of the air, which must be contained if the pestilent event is to be avoided. For, decayed, it passes into our foods and enters our humours, whose depravity is the internal antecedent cause of the epidemic plague. As the deviation of the causes removes the evil, the correction of the primitive ones, for being anterior and external, as well as that of the antecedents, implies the knowledge of the history of the plague for the elucidation of its cure.

One year after printing the Three books on the plague de Dalechamps, a homonymous work was printed in 1554, written by George Agricola, in which the procedures concerning the multiple diseases common to the plague were discerned and more broadly defined:

“In speaking about that most serious & most violent disease (read) which in not so long a space of time brings death to the majority, or at least to many men, it is convenient to consider by what names it is called, what the disease is, from what causes it originates, how varied and multiple by that is exactly what it is, what notes of the causes can be discerned one from the other, what is common to the universes of this disease, what is characteristic of each, what differs from one from the other, whom the pestilent air with its poison preferentially infects , who, pestiferous, with its bad weather, who accumulates pernicious juice from food or drinks taken corrupted, in what ways can we beware of these evils, the things that serve as an indication that someone has been affected by them, what are the good signs in each plague to those taken by it, which ones are bad, what medicines to give to those same deadly diseases. And this is how this disease by the Latin writers called plague & pestilence, and by the poet Lucretius, pestilites; already by the Greeks, loimoes. No one, however, can doubt that the plague, originating from pestilential air or its diurnal weathering of it, is a common disease that sees it invade at one and the same time men of early, middle, extreme age, both female and male. of the masculine; both those who drink water, and those who drink wine, or beer, or other intoxicating drink; both those who eat second-rate bread and those who eat first-class bread, of any kind of fruit; both those who feed on meat & fish and the most delicacies & opulent preparations, as well as those who feed on milk, cheese, vegetables and other vulgar ones; both those who go through idle age without any toil, and those who assiduously turn to some working art. But as with common diseases, the cause of which as well as the origin is equally common, whether two kinds, one proper to a certain region, another common to it and other regions, or whether it afflicts many regions at the same time, or one after another, the plague is counted in this second genus. As for that, the Greeks call him endemon[v] & epikhōrion[vi], to the Latins it will be licit to say indigenous & fatherland. Genus which is that of elephantiasis[vii], somehow proper to the Egyptians; podagra[viii], to the Attics; semitertiana, to the Romans; two diseases from Arabia, of which one, in which the vice starts from the mouth, finds a name among the Greeks, another, in which the infestation starts from the legs; tumor in the throat, to some Alpine people, those who suffer from it are said to be guttural. Not that these and other diseases proper to some region are not born in the most opical regions, but that they are frequent there because it is common to all either the nature of the place, or the water, or the air, or the custom of living. For Guturos are also found elsewhere than in the Alps or the like; very few, though. The other kind of common disease, the Greeks call it epidemic & epidemic[ix], the Latins, with the common name molestia (read). But whoever wishes to express it literally, will be allowed to call it popular or vulgar. Of this genus there are two species: one retains the common name, which, mild, tends to lose few from many, & more often much more slowly; for it invades in longer times than pernicious diseases, which Hippocrates describes as originating in Thasos from the cold & damp weather of the air. The other is called the plague, which, furious, more quickly always kills most, or at least many. Certainly, neither the name disease nor the plague applies to a certain disease; but any one which in one or more regions invades very many men, is called disease; to which, moreover, it is peculiar to cause most, or many, to perish, pestilence. Since, however, we have discovered that all pestilential diseases are feverish, this is how we define the force of this word: plague is a feverish disease, with bad omens, which simultaneously with it affects an infesting disease, contagious to most men, or, at least, to many, and to one and the same time pernicious”.[X]

The consideration of the name by which to call it appears as the first procedure proposed by Agricola in the treatment of the plague, and this is what follows here. Furthermore, knowledge of the disease, whatever it may be, precedes medicines, as the plague involves multiple diseases; that of the causes from which they spring; that of the notes that indicate them; who is infected by each one of them, who is harmed. As a member of the genus of common diseases, because it communicates, the plague especially involves those that are generated at the same time frighteningly in many regions, so that they accompany fear of the evil to come, and the affliction of what is already there. As a member of the epidemic subgenus, he says it is the most violent and serious disease, read, for it quickly kills at least many, as well those who labor as the so-called idlers; spreading in many regions, it is popular, it is not mild, for, swift, it is harmful and furious, tell. Epidemic common disease that quickly invades, does not belong to the plague certain disease, but the accelerated event of the poisonous invasion, although common to pestilential diseases the feverish state and the sinister portents of the serious illness that invades the air.

At the same time, Paracelsus, or an anonymous person, uses the Lucretian denomination in his treatise from pestilitate, to institute a philosophical discourse about the origin and generation of the plague, insisting on a celestial reason:

“Plague is a disease assigned to six places in the human body, namely: behind the ears, two; two, too, under each armpit; further down, in the hypogastrium, close to the pubis, also two. Thus, externally, six certain thirsts are found in man, which the plague occupies, infected by the sky, & struck or contaminated by the pestilential poison. by the techelli philosophy[xi] it is clear that in addition to these six places mentioned above, a seventh is still attributed to this severe disease, which must be known in itself.

Now, it was not so recklessly and frustrated by God constituted [man], that these three said places in man, always, or, at least, most of the time, so certainly afflict and corrupt. Certainly, the expert and wise physician must, from this judgment, conjecture the locations of the planets. For like always operates in its like. Thus Saturn, with the properties of the moon, operates in the upper parts of man, that is, behind the ears. Mars, as also, in a peculiar place, the Sun, operates in man's external places, as under the wings. Similarly, both Jupiter and Venus, on both femurs, close to the pubis, at least as far as this disease is concerned.

As, however, shortly before, it was recalled another place in man to be found still in the seventh position, a place, then, of Mercury, therefore, it will be explained later by what calculation it is to be understood”.[xii]

The six seats occupied by the plague outside the human body find the conceptacles, above and outside the body, of its defilement of them manifold, each of which the physician, who must be as expert as he is wise, conceives from the position or disposition of each star, in order to build up plague astrology, or astrological plague.

According to that treaty, man is generated from the first matrix, which is the great world, magnus mundus[xiii]. By creation of the hand of God, the great world produced man made of deciduous and fragile flesh, made from earth and water, so that by these two elements the earthly and animal life that man naturally receives from the body, since life in itself Animal, not that which is animic, but that which subsists animated, is nothing more than fire and air.[xiv]. The water and the earth of which the body is constituted are understood to be the abode of life, not life itself, abode not of the divine soul of the theologian, but of the medical life or animal life of man, forged of fire and air, expires. and Animal[xv]. The body thus constituted and the life thus considered mean that, by the earthly and watery nature of the first, by the aerial and igneous nature of the second, man consists of the four elements, endowing him with a double life: animal & sidereal.[xvi]. For the body, which is blood and flesh, is always dead, until the breath from the stars, that is, the sidereal spirit, quickens man, so that the animal body moves vivified.[xvii]. From the stars proceeds the sidereal life that penetrates the animal life, which naturally happens to be the property and virtue of the sky.[xviii]. It behooves the true physician and expert to know the reason why man is governed and compelled by the stars.[xx]. If the sky governs man's life, the elements already moderate his body.[xx]. Since life is fire and air, and the body, earth and water, the body being moved by life, water and earth are ruled by fire and air, and the modes of this arrangement are the principles of health and disease in men.[xxx].

O from pestilitate teaches the birth of the elements, kabbalistically, from three things which, however, were created neither before nor more quickly than earth, water, air, fire[xxiii]. Three things that are and were the four elements, whose mother, however, was the water, for, when making the world, the breath of God came over the waters, having it by the verb fiat created before all else and from it produced the most creatures; three things which with a true name are called sulfur (sulfur), mercury (mercury), salt (shawl) and are the principle and true matter from which all animals and man himself were forged.[xxiii]. The three recognize two rectors and governors of them, namely, the moon, which moderates salt, since it is the substance and matter of water and is subject to water, since it dissolves and liquefies in it, salt being the body of autumn and winter. operated by the moon; and the sun, king and lord of sulphur, since it is of a fervent and fiery nature, which is why it dissipates in fire and in the sun, sulphur being the body of spring and summer moderated and ruled by the sun[xxv]. Salt gives shape and color to creatures, sulfur gives them the body, growth, digestion, so that these two things, through the mediation of the stars, exist as progenitors of all creatures, since the third is generated from the sulphurous the sun and the saline moon, mercury, which, in order to maintain itself and grow, demands daily support from the two previous[xxiv].

The principles of man's generation compose the human microcosm under the continuous influence of the astral macrocosm, so that the diseases he suffers originate either from the disposition of the body's elements, a type of natural and elemental diseases, or from the operation of the ruling stars of life, celestial and astral diseases. In the first book of shrewd philosophy, Paracelsus proposes the plague as a disease contracted from heaven by solar operation:

“Pestilence is disease born of the stars, afflicting us with its infection the sun, as well as with its rays. An error is made with regard to this disease, if one institutes the fight against the plague by means of elementary medicines. For remedy in this way does nothing against sidereal infection. Now, something like that helps, if the body itself has contracted some infection from it too, a disease which then is physical. As for what is sidereal, which is the main thing, if you don't hinder it with such remedies. We do grant that elementary remedies are of some use in this case; but only the advantage that the hat has against the sun: the rays of the sun are repelled from the head by the induced shadow; the source itself, however, & origin does not obstruct or dismiss. As fire burns from without; so also it must be known that sidereal diseases burn. Just as cold and heat can be harmful to the body; so too, the stars, whose strength is the more denervated & fractured, the more there are in man singular forces resistant to that infection. Hence it follows that you cannot infect what you want”.[xxv]

As diseases are generated either by the stars or by the elements, two medicines, two doctors, two operations are distinguished from the dual origin of diseases, fulfilling the doctor zealously and diligently to discriminate whichever the case may be, so that he does not treat with elementary remedies. sidereal diseases, or the opposite[xxviii]. It fights against the order of medicine which, ignorant of infections and sidereal drives, tries to expunge them by means of elementary medicine.[xxviii], which deal with infections whose source is the body itself and so-called physical illnesses, since the morbidities that afflict from an external source, such as the plague, demand medicine from another origin and another type of medicine to cure them.

“Diseases like this are still many in the world today, for which only heavenly medicine is capable of curing, and not natural medicine. For diseases divide into two classes: those by nature, & those by heavenly powers. As for celestial medicine, it is already known that it is done without any natural body, only in this way: take your bed, & leave, etc. (…) But there is also the matter of the plague, a disease not subject to nature, but to heaven & its medicine. Then there is the question: if only the verb heals, why not in the same way also at least what causes perspiration? For this: because the verb is not like to all, so that with the hand snatch whatever is near, & render aid to it. This is the cause. Where there is disease, its origin is twofold: one is nature; another is heaven. The verb heals the heavenly; nature, the natural. Plague is therefore a double disease. To heaven, therefore, heavenly medicine. And the one that in nature snatches or injures, that disease will heal itself naturally. Now, this is the reason why one should use what one knows about nature”.[xxix]

Celestial, the plague whose cure is effected through the verb addressed to god links celestial medicine to evocation, which involves sanitation in divine and religious worship. That signs announce the coming of the plague, anticipated by teachings, by angelic annunciations, by prophecies, postulates the divine providence governing the great world[xxx]. In everything, the celestial operation competes, by whose enervation of the forces the vicious affliction ends; but, although the sky is the source from which the pestilence amuses, its manifestation infests human nature, whose knowledge deals with the pestilent signs and accidents in the earthly body, knowledge that is usurped to naturally treat the divine bodily invasion of the plague pyromantic, causing spasms, convulsions, stiffness of the limbs, fever, enlargement of the liver[xxxii], and that of the poison of the planets, or poisonous fire that contaminates the blood and consumes the flesh.

The saying as an event by which celestial medicine is operated and the plague is cured distinguishes its duplicity, for if the remedies to which natural medicine resorts propose the corporal treatment of the physical plague and, thus, the cure of the body that is sick , already the said implies the incorporeal in the sanitation of life, so that the ceaseless said of the pestilent event subsists; thus existing, according to natural medicine, rs, the bodily plague; insisting, however, according to the heavenly, appropriation, incorporates the plague. Thing and verb, or acting and saying, discern medicines according to the classes of diseases: those by nature or those of the body, the artificial practical intervention of natural medicine in favor of the bodily cure of the disease; by the forces or vigor of heaven, or vital, the religious evocation provoked by celestial medicine, which intercedes with the throne of God for the salvation of men.

*Yuri Ulbricht He holds a master's degree in philosophy from USP.

To read the first part go to https://aterraeredonda.com.br/uma-breve-historia-da-peste-i/

To read the second part go to https://aterraeredonda.com.br/uma-breve-historia-da-peste-ii/


[I] Iohannis Itrensis. Libellus de plague huius anni Millesimi • CCCC•LXXVI•

[ii] Iacobi Hollerii Stempani Comment. Gal. ad sent. 20. sect. 3. lib. 3. Epidemic

[iii] Iacobi Hollerii Stempani of plague libelvs.

[iv] Iacobi Dalechampii Of pest libri three. From causes pestis. i.

[v] Endemic.

[vi] Place.

[vii] Plin. HN. XXVI, v, 7: “diximus elephantiasim ante Pompei Magni aetatem non accidisse in Italia, et ipsam a facie saepius incipientem, in nare prima veluti lenticula, mox inarescent per totum corpus maculosa variis coloribus et inaequali cute, alibi crassa, alibi tenui, dura alibi ceu scabie aspera, ad postremum vero nigrescente et ad ossa carnes adprimente, intumescentibus digitis in pedibus manibusque. Aegypti peculiare hoc malum et, cum in reges incidisset, populis funebre, quippe in balineis solia temperabantur humano sanguine ad medicinaleam. et hic quidem morbus celeriter in Italia restinctus est, sicut et ille quem gemursam appellavere prisci inter digitos pedum nascentem, etiam nomine oblitterato”.

[viii] Gout on the feet.

[ix] Epidemic.

[X] Georgii Agricolae Of pest libri three. I

[xi] Techellica Philosophy, Paracelsus dicitur ab authore Techello Judaeo, quem scripta singularia Magica scripsisse laudavit de Pestilit. tract. 1. in principle. & 1. principle. yours from mysteriis verm. w. 5. & 6. Verùm omninò salutare nobis est, quod talia scripta interierint. In Lexicon medicum, quondam à Barth. Castello Messatensi.

[xii] Avr. Philip. Theoph. paracelsi Opera omnia – volumen primum. From pestilitate. Tractatus I, Origo & generatio pestis.

[xiii] Avr. Phil. Theoph. paracelsi Opera omnia – volumen primum. From pestilitate. Tractatus I, Quid sit homo.

[xiv] Avr. Phil. Theoph. paracelsi Opera omnia – volumen primum. From pestilitate. Tractatus I, Quid sit homo.

[xv] Avr. Phil. Theoph. paracelsi Opera omnia – volumen primum. From pestilitate. Tractatus I, Quid sit homo.

[xvi] Avr. Phil. Theoph. paracelsi Opera omnia – volumen primum. From pestilitate. Tractatus I, Quid sit homo.

[xvii] Avr. Phil. Theoph. paracelsi Opera omnia – volumen primum. From pestilitate. Tractatus I, Quid sit homo.

[xviii] Avr. Phil. Theoph. paracelsi Opera omnia – volumen primum. From pestilitate. Tractatus I, Quid sit homo.

[xx] Avr. Phil. Theoph. paracelsi Opera omnia – volumen primum. From pestilitate. Tractatus I, Quid sit homo.

[xx] Avr. Phil. Theoph. paracelsi Opera omnia – volumen primum. From pestilitate. Tractatus I, Quid sit homo.

[xxx] Avr. Phil. Theoph. paracelsi Opera omnia – volumen primum. From pestilitate. Tractatus I, Quid sit homo.

[xxiii] Avr. Phil. Theoph. paracelsi Opera omnia – volumen primum. From pestilitate. Tractatus I, Kabbalah.

[xxiii] Avr. Phil. Theoph. paracelsi Opera omnia – volumen primum. From pestilitate. Tractatus I, Kabbalah.

[xxv] Avr. Phil. Theoph. paracelsi Opera omnia – volumen primum. From pestilitate. Tractatus I, Kabbalah.

[xxiv] Avr. Phil. Theoph. paracelsi Opera omnia – volumen primum. From pestilitate. Tractatus I, Kabbalah.

[xxv] Aureoli Philippi Theophrasti Paracelsi Operum volumen secundum – Opera Chemica et Philosophica. Liber primus philosophiae sagacis – Probatio in scientiam medicinee adeptae.

[xxviii] Aureoli Philippi Theophrasti Paracelsi Operum volumen secundum – Opera Chemica et Philosophica. Liber primus philosophiae sagacis – Probatio in scientiam medicinee adeptae.

[xxviii] Aureoli Philippi Theophrasti Paracelsi Operum volumen secundum – Opera Chemica et Philosophica. Liber primus philosophiae sagacis – Probatio in scientiam medicinee adeptae.

[xxix] Aureoli Philippi Theophrasti Paracelsi Operum volumen secundum – Opera Chemica et Philosophica. Liber secundus philosophiae sagacis – Probatio in cœlestem Medicinam adeptam.                                                                                    

[xxx] Aureoli Philippi Theophrasti Paracelsi Operum volumen secundum – Opera Chemica et Philosophica. Liber secundus philosophiae sagacis – Probatio in cœlestem Medicinam adeptam.

[xxxii] Avr. Phil. Theoph. paracelsi Opera omnia – volumen primum. From pestilitate. Tractatus II, De cura et sanatione.

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