By JULIAN RODRIGUES*
Pablo Marçal represents the pinnacle of far-right ideas, hyperneoliberal culture and anti-democratic authoritarianism
1.
Neither affection, nor arguments, nor flowers. None of this was able to stop historical fascism. And it doesn't even tickle contemporary neo-fascism. The far right is growing stronger all over the world, riding the crisis of the neoliberal capitalist model that they themselves promote and defend. Donald Trump in the US or Giorgia Meloni in Italy are two caricatures that summarize this moment of civilizational regression in which we are immersed.
The Bolsonarist phenomenon was able to be defeated electorally due to the enormous strength of the organized Brazilian working class (especially in the PT) and the exceptional leadership of Luis Inácio Lula da Silva. But it was only a brief respite. The neo-fascists remain strong and on the offensive, both on social media, in the streets and in parliaments.
In the 2024 municipal elections, we will see variations, updates, adaptations and also the radicalization of the neo-fascist movement. The most emblematic case is the dispute in the capital of São Paulo.
Pablo Marçal represents the pinnacle of far-right ideas, hyperneoliberal culture and antidemocratic authoritarianism. Without a structured party, without relevant support in the establishment political and business, without TV time, without previous electoral experience, the coach fundamentalist evangelical, who got rich selling courses to bankrupt and intellectually borderline urban whites — became the main player in the Brazilian political-electoral process at that time.
Pablo Marçal is far-right, but he has no organic history in that field. No one really knows him and no one trusts him. Pablo Marçal is a rich new year, a social climber, far from the traditional power centers of the ruling classes. In addition to not being from São Paulo, Minas Gerais, Rio Grande do Sul or even Rio de Janeiro, he has the audacity of the reckless, the bizarre self-esteem of the “social climbers", a expertise of experienced fraudsters and, above all, the trust of those who have no origin or destination.
2.
São Paulo has “the power of money that builds and destroys beautiful things.” Cosmopolitan, avant-garde, it is as rich as it is unequal. It condenses the best and the worst of Brazil. São Paulo is the cradle of centuries-old struggles, the epicenter of democratic journeys and the birthplace of the PT. And it is one of the most difficult, expensive, inhospitable and brutal places for those on the lower classes. São Paulo elected Luiza Erundina in 1988. Marta Suplicy in 2000. Fernando Haddad in 2012. Here, Lula defeated Jair Bolsonaro in the last election.
But São Paulo was and still is Jânio, Maluf, Collor, Bolsonaro, Tarcísio. It was Covas, FHC, Serra, Marta, Eduardo, Haddad and Lula. All at the same time: the birthplace of the 2013 protests, but also of the “Not Him” movement. São Paulo, the capital, is much less conservative and reactionary than the interior of the state.
São Paulo did not elect Ricardo Nunes, a mere physiological, mediocre councilman, linked to the Catholic far right, the most charismatic politician in the entire universe. Ricardo Nunes was a major curse, the supreme evil that the PSDB and Bruno Covas did to all of us São Paulo residents, whether born here or who chose to live here.
Bruno Covas had terminal cancer, but he ran for and won the 2020 elections. Selfish and petty, he knew he would not survive the first year of his term. However, he insisted on running for office by choosing as his vice president and shoving down our throats this obscure scumbag who governs us today.
Ricardo Nunes is only not so poorly rated because nobody knows him. And much less does anyone know what he has done or failed to do in recent years. In fact, this degree of mediocrity is actually working to his advantage because it has allowed him to create a character in the electoral propaganda of a humble mayor who has done a lot and for some reason we did not know about it yet.
Considering the CNTP (normal temperature and pressure conditions), the São Paulo election would be polarized by the pro-Bolsonaro mayor seeking reelection versus the left-wing challenger. The right-wing candidate with the support of Jair Bolsonaro and Governor Tarcísio de Freitas, the progressive candidate with the support of President Lula and social movements.
3.
Pablo Marçal arrived kicking everything, messing up the scene. Further to the right than Jair Bolsonaro himself, radically opportunistic, with no organic ties to the bourgeoisie or the mainstream media. He arrived kicking everything, without restraints, without any commitment to the very structure of the bourgeois electoral system. So arrogant, aggressive, pretentious and disruptive that he caused and causes widespread perplexity.
Meanwhile, he is making inroads into an electorate thirsty for new ideas, tired of the traditional right wing, which is completely anti-PT. In practice, Pablo Marçal is a more pro-Bolsonaro candidate than Bolsonarism has become.
Meanwhile, Guilherme Boulos' candidacy made a updating with such a significant image and program that it ends up confusing its social, militant and electoral base. To the point that we have to watch the insipid “liberal Tabata” lead the harshest attacks against Pablo Marçal. It is difficult to understand and identify with this Boulos who is being sold in the current campaign. There are even memes comparing him to characters from that cartoon “Care Bears”.
However, there is (or was) another character who wanted to be an outsider, the charismatic host of police shows, José Luiz Datena. He, who in every election played at being a candidate and then backed out, decided to truly launch himself in the most complicated race for him. After all, the full spectrum of the right wing is filled (Marçal, Nunes, Tabata, Maria Helena).
All the polls have indicated that Guilherme Boulos is heading for the second round and his opponent will probably be the current mayor. José Luiz Datena and Tabata Amaral have fallen. Pablo Marçal has stagnated (and may fall further, I suspect).
Pablo Marçal has shown from the beginning that he doesn’t play by any rules. Compared to him, Jair Bolsonaro seems like a reasonable guy, a barbecue uncle who exaggerates when the time comes. In fact, there is a difference that seems to me to be structural between Bolsonarism and Marçalism. The former captain’s leadership was built over more than two decades of parliamentary activity and through an organic relationship with the Armed Forces. Jair Bolsonaro’s adherence to the crude liberalism of Paulo Guedes always seemed tactical, for the moment.
Pablo Marçal, on the other hand, is linked to the most radically anti-state, pro-market, pro-individualist ideologies. A coach-pastor. A very well-crafted mix. Prosperity theology with rudimentary self-help for straight white idiots from the poorly educated — but very ambitious — middle classes. And, above all, resentful.
Pablo Marçal could make it to the second round. And if he does, he is likely to beat Guilherme Boulos. If in doubt, they will try to “cover up” and sell him as toothless, almost cute. As they did with Jair Bolsonaro, by the way. And it turned out the way it did.
Yes, there is a sense of unease in the hyper-dry air these days in the frenzied city of São Paulo. The elites prefer Ricardo Nunes, obviously. But, above all, they are pragmatic and essentially anti-communist, anti-PT, anti-people. When in doubt, they perfume Pablo and call him a cute baby. All in the name of defeating the bearded, ill-tempered home invader who is also supported by Lula.
4.
And what about the chair-throwing, after all? Before that, a quick note about the debates. With each new electoral dispute they become less useful, more monotonous and much more of a stage for cuts in social networks and in the good old free electoral airtime.
It is still too early to make any definitive assessment of the “chair effect.” José Luiz Datena allowed himself this extreme act because he had been a living ex-candidate, a zombie, since Saturday. It seems he regretted not having given up this time. Besides, a guy with his age, salary and prestige has nothing to gain by getting involved in fierce electoral disputes. José Luiz Datena is the PSDB candidate, which makes everything even more pathetic and tragic. A sad and painful end for the party of Montoro, Covas, Serra and Alckmin.
All things considered, the chair-throwing was not only fun, but also educational. It symbolizes a “stop”, a radical but essential gesture. It may generate something like a “stop and go”. Or not. But at the very least, it generated hundreds of memes and a lot of free fun. And I doubt that any human being felt sorry for Pablo Marçal. The unexpected never leaves us, which makes things less monotonous, after all.
And may Guilherme Boulos' campaign improve, be more politicized, combative and programmatic. With much more PT, more Lula, more Marta, more social mobilization. And, above all, many more objective proposals to improve the lives of the working masses of São Paulo.
* Julian Rodrigues, journalist and teacher, he is an LGBTI and Human Rights activist. Political training coordinator at the Perseu Abramo Foundation.
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