Vicente Lombardo Toledano

Vicente Lombardo Toledano/ Art: Marcelo Guimarães Lima


Entry from the “Dictionary of Marxism in America”

Life and political praxis

Vicente Lombardo Toledano (1894-1968) was born in the state of Puebla, into a family of merchants of Italian origin. His father, Vicente Lombardo Carpio, had properties and investments in the mining sector, in addition to being involved in politics, being elected mayor of Teziutlán in 1905. Lombardo Toledano's childhood and youth passed between the last decade of the government of General Porfirio Díaz (1876-1911) and the repercussions of the Mexican Revolution of 1910. The turbulent social context of his formative years contributed to building his interest in Mexican politics and history.

Lombardo Toledano had the privilege of attending good schools; After completing the first years of studies at the Liceo Teziuteco, was sent, in 1909, to Mexico City to enroll in French Commercial School. The following year, he was approved in the prestigious National Preparatory School, where he would finish his school education.

In 1914, he entered the Faculty of Law of National University of Mexico (UNM) – which in 1929 would be called National Autonomous University of Mexico – and soon directed his studies towards social themes. He founded, with six companions, the Conference and Concert Society (1916), inspired by the experience of Ateneo de la Juventud Mexicana – group that brought together intellectuals critical of the dominant positivist thought during the time of Porfirio Díaz. The aim of this society was to promote a humanist culture among students and workers through public readings on socialism and debates on justice, democracy, education and trade unionism.

Times were favorable to progressive agendas; The social guidelines expressed in the new Constitution of 1917 – the first to grant labor rights universal treatment, in addition to guaranteeing political and individual freedoms of expression, worship and association – indicated a country undergoing rapid transformation.

In 1917, Lombardo Toledano assumed the position of secretary of the Mexican Popular University, a position that allowed him to work closer to the union movement. This relationship would guide his work as a politician and educator throughout his life. Two years later, he graduated in Law. In 1921, he married Rosa María Otero Gama – with whom he had three daughters.

In this decade, he began to divide his activities between politics, trade unionism and teaching – activities that he would always carry out from then on. It was also at this time that he deepened his studies on Marxism, starting to adopt historical materialism as a key to reading and interpreting human societies, particularly Mexico.

In the union field, in 1921, he joined the Confederación Regional Obrera Mexicana (CROM) – then the largest trade union organization in the country –, soon becoming a member of the Central Committee of this union (between 1923 and 1932); Later, however, he broke this connection due to internal differences with the pro-government collaborationist current and his unionist activities would extend to other organizations.

Lombardo Toledano's political career began when he assumed the position of interim governor of Puebla, in a context of strong institutional crisis (between 1923 and 1924). He was then elected twice to the position of deputy of the Union Congress (periods of 1924-1925 and 1926-1928), both for the Mexican Labor Party. His mandates were marked by his participation in discussions for the regulation of labor rights, which culminated in the promulgation of the Federal Labor Law (from 1931) – aimed at deepening the individual, collective, administrative and procedural aspects of work.

In 1927, he became general secretary of the Mexican Confederation of Conductors; in 1932, from Federación de los Sindicatos Obreros del Distrito Federal (FSODF).

From 1933 (until 1946) he directed the Future Magazine, a publication that brought together the revolutionary intelligentsia of the time, discussing key themes such as the Mexican reality, the international labor movement and the Second World War.

In the educational field, after accumulating experience with teaching activities in different institutes in previous years, Lombardo Toledano helped to found two universities: Gabino Barreda University (which only lasted from 1934 to 1936); and the Universidad Obrera de México, founded in 1936 (still active today). In the latter, he taught subjects such as “history of philosophical doctrines”, “dialectical materialism”, “political economy”, “labor law”, “history of Mexico” and “history of imperialism”, among others. He assumed the position of rector at both institutions (in that one, between 1934 and 1936, in this one, between 1937 and 1968).

In 1935, he traveled to the Soviet Union, interested in getting to know the country's political and social development up close; he visited several cities (such as Kharkiv, Baku, Tbilisi and Sochi) and, in Moscow, he participated in the VII Congress of the Communist International (IC). This event was marked by the directive, given to the Communist Parties of the world, to seek the construction of multi-class “broad fronts”, as a way of containing the advance of extreme right-wing parties in their countries; The deliberations of the Communist International had a great influence on the development of the political strategies defended by the Marxist.

Between 1936 and 1940, Lombardo Toledano was general secretary of the Confederation of Workers of Mexico (CTM) – created in 1936 to replace CROM. During this period, he defended the organization's support for the government of General Lázaro Cárdenas (1934-1940), as he considered him “progressive”, both for implementing an agrarian reform program and for helping to unite Mexicans through the propagation of notions of equity and the strengthening of a “nation” consciousness – two legacies of the Mexican Revolution.

The good relationship he maintained with the Cárdenas government allowed him to move forward with new projects in the trade union and educational fields. Thus, in 1938, he helped to create the Confederation of Workers of Latin America (CTAL), the largest labor organization on the continent (which at its peak brought together trade unions from 14 American countries) – of which he would be president from its foundation until its closure. , in 1963.

Between 1945 and 1964, he also served as vice-president of the World Trade Union Federation (FSM) – based in Paris, from which he began to receive institutional support for carrying out strikes and financial aid to support unemployed and imprisoned workers.

In the immediate post-World War II period, his relationship with the new government of Miguel Alemán Valdés (1946-1952), Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), deteriorated. Lombardo considered his foreign policy too aligned with the United States and, in addition, the public policies adopted by the government failed to consider the demands of the popular classes. It was necessary, therefore, to look for new ways of doing politics.

It was from there that the idea of ​​founding a party was born, whose objective would be to promote the demands of the poorest population, without this meaning frontal opposition to the government – ​​what Lombardo called “pressure by supporting, independently and critically”. As a product of this idea, in 1948 the Party. His government program included three basic principles: the nation's political independence; increases in the population's living conditions; and the expansion of the democratic regime.

A General Union of Workers and Campesinos of MexicoThe (UGOCM), created in 1949, would be the organization responsible for providing the main social base of proletarian-peasant support for the party. Lombardo ran for president in 1952, coming in 4th place.

In 1960, the PP was renamed to Socialist People's Party (PPS). His program called for the establishment of a democratic regime “of the people”, under the practical and ideological direction of the proletariat, but allied with peasants and sectors of the bourgeoisie considered progressive, aiming to prepare the ground for the construction of a Mexican path to socialism. For the new party, Lombardo was once again elected to the post of deputy of the Congress of the Union (1964-1967), three decades later.

Vicente Lombardo Toledano died in 1968, aged 74. In 1994, his remains were transferred to the Rotonda de las Ilustres Personas – cemetery that brings together personalities from Mexican history.

Contributions to Marxism

Since his youth, Lombardo Toledano has been engaged in Mexican political and academic debate. His main contributions are recorded in books, newspaper articles, pamphlets, conferences and interviews. In them, the author addresses a variety of topics that range from theoretical debates about science to reflections on the condition of indigenous people and women.

One of his main contributions concerns the way he sought to interpret Mexican history. Supported by the categories of historical materialism, he dedicated himself to understanding the particularities of his country's social and economic development and discussing the different impacts of the Mexican Revolution (1910).

To do so, it started from the observation that the Mexican State had never been a fully independent political entity, given its condition as a nation historically subject to the influence of the economic and political interests of imperialist countries. These, according to the Marxist, operated in the country in association with certain fractions of the agrarian and urban bourgeoisie, characterized by their links with the export sectors and interests linked to those of foreign capital.

This articulation between native elites and imperialism had captured the power of the State, producing a social order responsible both for the perpetuity of a primary-export productive structure and for the maintenance of a very hierarchical, exclusionary society devoid of a true national component. Writing during the interwar years, Lombardo Toledano believed that, for there to be a real change in the inherited social mechanism, it would be necessary for the State to be able to defend its political autonomy in the face of the attacks of US imperialism, and this would not occur without the removal of the power of the traditional ruling class associated with large estates.

At this point, Lombardo Toledano gives particular relevance to the Mexican Revolution, seen as a major event, triggering new directions – after all, he had made the anti-imperialist struggle and agrarian reform references for subsequent governments that claimed the inheritance of revolutionary ideals. The change of direction, however, would not occur without political struggle, and it would be necessary to organize the working classes, seeking the formation of a broad front that could count on the support of the “progressive” fractions of the internal bourgeoisie; the pressure exerted by civil society would provide popular support for new leaders committed to carrying out revolutionary agendas.

His understanding that the Revolution had opened new possibilities for political action prompted him to reflect on the formation and development of Mexico as a State and nation. For him, the Mexican bourgeois-democratic revolution took place only after a long historical process full of contradictions and marked by three disruptive events: Independence, in 1820; the reforms of Benito Juárez, of 1857; and the Mexican Revolution of 1910. In this historical chronology, each key event would return to the unfulfilled promises of the previous phase.

Independence, for example, made Mexico a formally autonomous nation, but its emancipatory ideals, associated with the formation of a society of free citizens and a government organized according to republican principles, were not realized. After all, after three centuries of colonization, independent Mexico had inherited a “semi-feudal” mode of production, based on the concentration of land in the hands of a minority; in the abundance of workers, mostly peasants, without good professional qualifications and vulnerable to exploitation by landowners; in the strong political influence of the Church; and in a State that guaranteed monopolies and privileges for the dominant classes.

With the reforms promoted by Benito Juárez (1857-1861), the social and political proposals that emerged in the context of independence were resumed: the 1857 constitution, of liberal inspiration, sought to emulate the modern rule of law. New laws were established, guaranteeing the separation between the state and the church, and additional measures were taken to suppress ecclesiastical power – such as the nationalization of clergy properties.

However, the advances made with the Reform lost vigor with subsequent events, marked by the II French Intervention in Mexico (1862-1867) and the long authoritarian government of Porfirio Díaz – which was characterized by the strong expansion of foreign investment in the country, strengthening ties of dependence on English and American capital. Furthermore, work in the field remained predominantly structured around “semi-feudal relations of exploitation”, the industrial sector was in its infancy and the concentration of income remained high.

Nevertheless, the path to revolution was gradually paved by the increase in conflicting interests between sectors of the changing society: rural workers, industrialists and small rural landowners often stood against the aspirations of landowners; and the nationalist sectors resented the dominance of foreign capital. It was such contradictions that led to the Mexican Revolution of 1910.

By “revolution”, Lombardo Toledano understood a mass movement, necessarily composed of disadvantaged sectors, such as urban workers and peasants. The phenomenon would be the product of contradictions existing within societies, at a certain moment in the historical evolution of the State. Its implications would lead to the replacement of the existing social order with a new one, built under a new property regime, in addition to the rise to power of a new dominant class. Therefore, a revolution did not end with the seizure of power, but after a long process, when a new social system was finally consolidated.

In this way, the Revolution of 1910 had a particular role: it represented the culmination of the national-bourgeois revolution, the result of a long process that began with independence. It was, according to Lombardo Toledano, the last episode of a centuries-old struggle against the power of the large latifundia, seen as the incarnation of native “feudalism”. Finally, it also had an original component: it was the first revolution in history with an openly anti-imperialist character, in addition to its liberal and anti-feudal colors.

Thus, the Marxist perceived the interwar context with relative optimism, as the weakening of the power of the latifundium created material conditions for the development of Mexican productive forces – something manifest both in the industrialization programs supported by revolutionary governments and in the expansion and consolidation of the working class. urban and organized.

This understanding of Mexican history and the political situation guided Lombardo's militant action. There is, in his writings and pronouncements, an attempt to contribute to the formation of an emancipatory class consciousness, capable of taking the proletariat to the status of historical subject that transforms reality.

In academic debates, the Mexican Marxist contrasted dialectical materialism with other philosophical traditions, defending its superiority. An example of this is the way he referred to “idealism”: a doctrine aimed at legitimizing the bourgeois order in the context of its crisis, marked by the era of imperialism at the end of the 19th century – incompatible, therefore, with the new directions of history . The contradictions between metaphysical idealism and dialectical materialism were also verified through the premises adopted by each current.

Metaphysical idealism took as its starting points elements such as the primacy of thought over being; the immutability of the universe; and the conception of a reality shaped from the perspective of the beholder. In turn, dialectical materialism emphasized the primacy of matter over spirit; a changing and constantly moving universe; and the existence of a concrete reality of things, which could be apprehended through reason. By achieving a true awareness of reality, the individual would become capable of freeing themselves from moral and material alienation and acting in a creative and transformative way.

These ideas were present in the debate that Lombardo Toledano held with Antonio Caso, philosopher and professor emeritus of National Autonomous University of Mexico, linked to the idealist current; in the famous controversy, they discussed topics linked to the ways of conceiving nature and culture, academic priorities and methods of teaching history and ethics. However, the topic with the greatest impact was related to the ideological positioning of universities in the face of the problems of the modern world.

The controversy began in 1st Congress of Mexican Universities (1933), later extending to a series of articles (with replies and rejoinders) published by both in the newspaper El Universal. While Caso defended the plurality of views within the university, Lombardo insisted on the adoption of dialectical materialism as a reference method for public education – he understood that only in this way would young people know how to act to make society more just.

Within the scope of union struggles, Lombardo Toledano defended the alliance of urban workers with other sectors of society – such as peasants, artisans, intellectuals, small traders, part of the bourgeoisie and groups associated with the political center – in order to bring together forces capable of influencing the direction of national politics, especially of governments identified with the progressive agenda. The alliance strategy derived from a pragmatic observation: the Mexican proletariat, although potentially revolutionary, was not self-sufficient in political terms.

The objective, therefore, was to unlock the development of productive forces so that the State could achieve economic and political independence. Lombardo's work with trade unions in the 1920s and 1930s, such as Confederación Regional Obrera Mexicana (CROM), the General Confederation of Workers and Campesinos of Mexico, Ea Confederation of Workers of Mexico (CTM), reflected this concern.

At the international level, Lombardo Toledano defended the articulation of Mexican union struggles with those taking place in Latin America; the creation of an international solidarity network would tend to strengthen each of the unions in their local demands. This interpretation had repercussions in the field of political action: Lombardo Toledano conceived and helped to create, in 1938, an organization responsible for articulating common strategies for trade unions in Latin American countries: the Confederation of Workers of Latin America.

Its main objective was to support governments with the profile of popular democracies, in which the main social bases were trade unions. In short, the CTAL reflected a concern both with the construction of an institutional support network for the continent's national emancipation struggles and also with the creation of a means of containing the expansionist interests of the United States in the region.

Lombardo Toledano remained independent of the Communist International, not having linked himself to the Partido Comunista de Mexico (PCM). However, he supported the organization's actions, as well as defending the Soviet regime, understanding that both represented important fronts in the anti-imperialist struggle. When León Trotsky obtained permission to go into exile in Mexico (1936-1940), the Mexican Marxist used his position as general secretary of the CTM to demonstrate his displeasure; he considered Trotskyist thought sectarian and counter-revolutionary, especially due to the criticism he made of the strategies for forming broad alliances in which the agendas of the working classes converged with those of other sectors of society.

In the post-World War II period, Lombardo Toledano's thinking was touched by the emergence of the Cold War and the consequent resurgence of anti-communism in the USA and other American countries. In this new context, previously established relationships with labor organizations from different countries on the continent were negatively impacted. For him, the increase in the interference of American governments in America – manifested in the expansion of the power of their multinationals and the support for coups d'état against progressive governments (as in Guatemala in 1954, in the Dominican Republic in 1963 or in Brazil in 1964) – it expressed the action of counter-revolutionary forces, responsible for stopping the process of formation of politically independent states, equipped with native industries and active labor organizations.

The contradictions of that historical situation also highlighted victorious events in the socialist camp; the Cuban Revolution (1959), for example, was hailed by Lombardo and seen as a way of propagating the emancipatory ideals of the Mexican Revolution across the continent. This event reinforced the Marxist perception that the anti-imperialist struggle should be fought both in the domestic field and in the promotion of proletarian internationalism.

Comment on the work

Deeply impacted by the outcomes of the Mexican Revolution, Lombardo Toledano claimed the Marxist and Leninist intellectual heritage to interpret the history of his country, reflect on the political situation and propose strategies for collective action. His writings include interviews, articles and books, in which he debated issues from different fields (such as theoretical, political and trade union), defending, among other issues: industrialization, the expansion of labor rights, the formation of combative unions and a “progressive” educational system that understood education as a tool for social transformation.

His first books date back to 1919: The public right and new philosophical currents (Mexico City: Imprenta “Victoria”), fruit of his course completion work at the Faculty of Law (UNM); e The influence of heroes on social progress (C. México: Imprenta “Victoria”), based on a lecture given for the Alianza de Ferrocarrileros Mexicanos, in which he discussed social issues from a philosophical perspective of morality and justice.

However, it was throughout the 1920s that he became known in the national debate, thanks to his interpretations of the historical process of formation of Mexico and opinions on the Mexican and international political situation. Works from this period address themes related to teaching that should prevail in schools and public training centers, as occurs in Ethics: system and method for teaching morals in elementary and professional schools (C. México: Ediciones México Moderno, 1922).

And, especially, texts that historically investigate the relationship between US imperialism, Mexican agrarian elites and the condition of workers in the country, seeking to reflect on the elements that defined the character of the class struggle at the time he was writing, such as: The Monroe doctrine and the labor movement (C. Mexico: Linopographic Talleres “LaLucha”, 1927), Union freedom in Mexico (C. Mexico: Talleres Linop. “LaLucha”, 1927), Bibliography of work and social forecasting in Mexico (Mexico: Secretaria de RelacionesExteriors, 1928), and The labor union contract (C. Mexico: Talleres Linop. “LaLucha”, 1928).

These investigations focused on Mexican economic and social history led the author to systematize his own interpretation of the process of formation of the Mexican State and nation, exposed at the conference “The humanist sense of the Mexican Revolution”, later published in the form of an article (Magazine of the University of Mexico, volume I, n. 2, 1930), in which he sought to interpret the 1910 Revolution from the perspective of historical materialism. As a central argument, he argued that the Mexican bourgeois-democratic revolution was finally accomplished with the Revolution of 1910 after a long history marked by crucial moments of inflection, such as Independence (1820) and the reforms of Benito Juarez (1857).

In the following years, he dedicated himself to both more specific and anthropological themes and generalist and theoretical approaches. In Geography of the languages ​​of the Sierra de Puebla (C. México: Sección Editorial, 1931), proposes a school pedagogical approach adapted to each linguistic region, valuing the role of native languages ​​rather than the Spanish language, which would be more effective for teaching, as they are part of the way these populations shape their understanding of life and the world.

Em A journey to the world of the future (C. México: Universidad Obrera de México, 1936) brings together six conferences in which Lombardo analyzes the process of social and economic transformation that took place in the Soviet Union, extracting lessons from this experience to think about the direction of the Mexican Revolution and project future scenarios.

In the following years the following were published: Philosophical writings (C. México: Editorial México Nuevo, 1937) and The role of youth in Mexico's progress (C. México: El Popular, 1940). Furthermore, among other texts from this period are: Our fight for freedom (C. México: Univ. Obrera de México, 1941), Activist current affairs of the work and ideals of Father Hidalgo (C. México: Univ. Michoacana, 1943) and Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (C. Mexico: Bewegung Freies Deutschland, 1944).

After the end of World War II, Lombardo published Diary of a trip to New China (C. México: Futuro México, 1950), in which he presents a travel report describing the route he took from Mexico to China, during the revolutionary year of 1949. The journey began in Amsterdam, from where he went by train to Prague and then Moscow, to then, via the Trans-Siberian railway, reach Beijing – where he participated in an WFTU Conference. In the book, he also explains his impressions of China, especially its capital, before commenting on his return to Mexico, via the USSR.

In the book Theory and practice of the union movement in Mexico (C. México: Univ. Obrera de México, 1961), the author retraces the history of the Mexican trade union movement, comparing the historical process of its formation and development with the theoretical debates on the trade union movement that have been taking place since the First International. The texts present in the book correspond to three conferences (“The union theory","Origin and evolution of the Mexican trade union movement"and "Problems with the unit”) organized by National Front for the Revolutionary Unification of Magisterium.

In 1962, they were published Philosophy and the proletariat (C. Mexico: Morelia) andThe legacy in the history of Mexico (C. México: Edic. del Partido Popular Socialista). In the latter, texts written between 1961 and 1962 were brought together, in which Lombardo discussed the political concept of “left” in Mexican history. According to him, the idea of ​​“left” is linked to every movement against imperialist governments and in favor of social justice and economic progress for workers. Along these lines, indigenous resistance to the European invasion would be the germ of the left in Mexico, which would soon transform over the centuries.

Conquest, Independence and Revolution were, in this way, different events in Mexican history, during which libertarian thoughts came into conflict with the reactionary forces of each situation – identified above all with the Spanish Crown, the Catholic Church and the exporting bourgeoisie linked to imperialist interests . In an essay in this book – “Revolutions and political parties” –, the author used the Cuban Revolution as a paradigmatic example of modern revolutions in Latin America; Comparing it to the Mexican Revolution, he demarcated differences between both movements and historical times. In the Cuban case, international support, mainly due to the formation of the socialist bloc after the Russian Revolution (after the Mexican Revolution) and the support of the national working class, mobilized during previous decades by the Cuban Popular Socialist Party, constituted vital differences between both countries. events.

Such differences reinforced Lombardo Toledano's perception that the political strategy of the Mexican left, in the 1960s, should be to maintain the search for a broad front against imperialist interests - a calculation that was based on two premises: the left, alone , did not represent the majority of national political thought; and not all groups that did not identify with the left were right-wing or in favor of imperialism.

Already in the book Moscow or Pekin: the Mexican road to socialism (C. México: Partido Popular Socialista, 1963), the author uses the Chinese and Soviet socialist experiences as a mirror to identify the historical particularities of Mexico and reflect the development of a Mexican path to socialism in the context of the time. From the same year are also The battle of ideas in our time (C. México: Univ. Obrera de México, 1963); The Constitution of Christians (C. México: Edit. Librería Popular, 1963); It is Idealism versus materialism: Caso-Lombardo controversy (C. México: Univ. Obrera de México, 1963) – a compilation of articles linked to the “Case-Lombardo Toledano controversy”.

The book PRICE (C. México: Univ. Obrera de México, 1964) defends the human reason to create a common destiny and the obligation of individual responsibility. For the Marxist, capitalist countries had entered the final phase of their development, increasingly aggravating their internal contradictions; In these contexts of crisis, the conditions were created for the “struggle between what dies and what emerges”.

The following year his last book was published during his lifetime: Party of squares or party of the masses (C. México: Secretaria de Educación Política y Propaganda del PPS, 1965).

After the death of Lombardo Toledano, books by him were published bringing together texts on various topics, some grouping together writings that addressed a certain subject in different periods – as is the case with the agrarian question, unions, the indigenous condition and philosophical debates. In 1990, almost all of his texts were organized for the publication of Complete works (Puebla: Gobierno del Estado de Puebla), divided into three volumes.

Among these posthumous books is mentioned The Indian problem (C. México: SepSetentas, 1973), with essays on the indigenous issue, in which it is argued that the indigenous were not destroyed in the Americas, but subjected to a regime of servitude; and that despite the historical subjection and civilizational collapse of the natives, their cultural resistance is strong. Already Around the agrarian problem (C. México: Confederación Nacional Campesina and Partido Popular Socialista, 1974) brings together articles about the agrarian issue, the specificities of production in the countryside and the reaction promoted by landowners.

Another notable posthumous work is The battle of ideas in our time (C. México: Univ. Obrera de México, 1975), in which the evolution of human thought is discussed from its magical and religious conceptions, to the confrontation between the theses of materialism and idealism.

The book Writings from youth (C. México: Centro de Est. Filosóficos, Políticos y Sociales V. Lombardo Toledano, 2013) compiles texts from between 1938 and 1968, which have in common the treatment of youth as a historical agent transforming reality, with themes that vary between: situation analysis, case of the article “The tasks of Mexican youth facing the country's problems” (1948); interpretations of Mexican history, such as “Thesis on Mexico: Popular Party Program"(1957) and"Letter to youth about the Mexican Revolution, its origin, development and perspectives"(1960).

As a journalist, Lombardo Toledano published articles in several newspapers and magazines, such as Excelsior, The Herald, El Universal, Today, Always display, Nouvelle Democratie, among others. The Universidad Obrera de México houses the “Lombardo Toledano” collection, made up of thousands of documents and photographs that describe the important history of the labor movement in Mexico and the world in the 20th century.

In 1972, the Center for Philosophical, Political and Social Studies Vicente Lombardo Toledano, installed in the Marxist's former residence, in the capital of Mexico, and dedicated to the systematization and organization not only of his work, but also of reference works linked to the history of Latin America and workers.

Lombardo's texts can be found on portals such as: Alberto Beltrán Information and Documentation Center (; and Political Memory of Mexico (

*Pedro Rocha F. Curated is a professor at the Institute of International Relations and Defense at UFRJ.

*Athos Vieira He is a professor of history at the municipal network of São Paulo and a doctor in Sociology from the Institute of Social and Political Studies at UERJ.

Originally published on the Praxis Nucleus-USP []


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