William Burghardt Du Bois

William Burghardt Du Bois/ Art by Marcelo Guimarães Lima


Entry from the “Dictionary of Marxism in America”

Life and political praxis

William Edward Burghardt Du Bois (1868-1963) was the only son of Alfred Alexander Du Bois, a barber and itinerant worker, and Mary Silvina Burghardt, a housewife. His family was made up of African-American farmers and workers from New England. His father had been born in Haiti and migrated to the United States, where he served as a Unionist soldier in the Civil War. On his maternal side, Du Bois's ancestry came from a traditional family of free blacks, with his great-grandfather being Tom, an enslaved African who obtained freedom after American Independence. From the age of two, Du Bois was educated by his mother and maternal family, after his father left them and moved to Connecticut, where he died shortly afterwards.

Until he was 17, he lived in his hometown, Great Barrington, in the interior of Massachusetts, with a majority white population. The condition of blacks in the US class society of the second half of the 1884th century increased the significance of educational training as a path to advancement, which allowed Du Bois to experience early confirmation of his intellectual abilities, as well as the social and economic limits that would affect your academic career. He was the first black student to graduate from high school at his hometown preparatory school in XNUMX.

During his school years, Du Bois was already writing articles for regional periodicals, such as Republican e Globe. An outstanding student, but without the means to cover university expenses, he received support from the school director, who raised donations to pay for his admission, in 1885, to the Fisk University (Nashville, state of Tennessee) – institution created at the end of the Civil War with the aim of educating the black population, recently free from slavery. There he became editor of the Fisk Herald, emphasizing the avant-garde contributions of people of African descent, in addition to teaching courses for black communities in rural areas.

The years spent in the south of the country further exposed the young student to the social contradictions of his time – such as racism and poverty. In 1888, after graduating from Fisk, he was admitted to Harvard University, educational stronghold of the country's elite. There, he graduated in Philosophy and History in 1890, defended his master's degree in 1891 and was the first Afro-descendant at the institution to obtain a doctorate – in history, in 1895, with the thesis The suppression of the African slave trade to the United States of America, 1638-1870 [The suppression of the trafficking of enslaved Africans to the USA], published the following year in the collection Harvard Historical Studies Series.

Between 1892 and 1894, he also maintained a formal relationship as a student on the Economics course at the University of Berlin (Germany), after obtaining a scholarship. Despite fulfilling most of the requirements for the degree, he had to interrupt the course and return to the USA due to lack of money. So he taught classical studies and modern languages ​​for two years at Wilberforce University, (Ohio), an institution aimed at black students. There, he met fellow student Nina Gomer, whom he married in 1896 and had two children.

Du Bois' multi-institutional higher education, as well as his teaching work outside the area in which he specialized, express the social restrictions imposed on a researcher coming from outside the dominant circles of academia; on the other hand, being outside of power groups allowed him some movement between various fields of knowledge, predisposing the young intellectual to invest in different scientific fields, many of which were still in their initial stages (in the case of Sociology).

Along the way, still in 1896, he received an invitation to be an assistant professor at University of Pennsylvania and to conduct a study on the Seventh Ward district in Philadelphia, a region predominantly inhabited by people of African descent and immigrants.

Using quantitative methods, Du Bois developed research that resulted in a reference work on the living conditions of the black population, published under the title The black Philadelphia [The Philadelphia Negro] (1899) – with which he became a pioneer in the use of a sociological approach to understanding the “black problem” in the country. In his studies at the time, the author drew attention to the socioeconomic and racial structural factors that led the black population to poverty after slavery. From then on, he dedicated himself to a variety of empirical studies that addressed the implications of racism in society, highlighting the value of African-based cultures.

In 1897, he took up the position of professor of sociology at Atlanta University (Georgia/USA), where he remained for 13 years, beginning the first of two long periods in which he remained at the institution (the second would be between 1934 and 1944, when he held the position of head of the Department). There, Du Bois organized the sociology course and collaborated with the reformulation of the academic curriculum; institutional support for his projects was fundamental to becoming a prolific author and promoting the study of the social conditions of black communities.

In addition to his career as a teacher and his pioneering research, Du Bois also dedicated himself to political activism and editorial work. In 1901, he was invited by Booker T. Washington (civil rights activist) to participate in the Tuskegee Institute. However, he soon realized that his political conceptions in the fight against racism were different from those of the leader, whose ideas for improving the living conditions of Afro-Americans were based on encouraging education for technical work, with a view to the gradual accumulation of wealth. – which, for Du Bois, was an “accommodationist policy”. According to him, only a comprehensive grant of rights (voting, higher education and citizenship) could guarantee some social advancement.

He left the group and, in 1905, organized the Niagara Movement, with the support of William Monroe Trotter and other Washington enemies. The new collective's principles were to defend social and civil rights for the black population, aiming for their complete integration into society. The association, however, was short-lived (until 1909), due to the lack of resources and the intensification of opposition from former supporters of the group. Tuskegee.

Thus, in 1909, Du Bois created the National Negro Committee and, in the following year, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) – an organization with a more comprehensive, multiracial focus (which allowed greater possibility of financing) and with positions clearly contrary to the conservative black movement – ​​which would absorb the members and ideas of the Niagara. He then dedicated himself fully to the NAACP, giving up teaching at the university to work at the organization's headquarters in New York, as director of publications and research.

In 1910, Du Bois joined the Socialist Party of America, from which, however, he soon left, in 1912, to support Woodrow Wilson in the electoral campaign – in which the Democratic candidate promised to defend black causes, unlike his opponent, the Republican president William Taft (passive in the face of violence suffered by black people ).

As for his role as editor, Du Bois directed several magazines with wide circulation from this time on, such as: Moon (1905-06); Horizon (1907-1910); the renowned The Crisis, published since 1910 by the NAACP, a newspaper that had 100 thousand copies in circulation (1920), with discussions around race relations and culture, and that would become a vehicle for expressing their opinions (increasing political dissonance within the organization); and later also the phylon (1940-1944).

After World War I, Du Bois gradually distanced himself from the NAACP, while at the same time moving closer to the Communist Party of the United States of America (Communist Party USA) and Marxism. He began to question more emphatically the liberal ideology, intrinsic to the NAACP's political repertoire (too moderate and dependent on philanthropy); and, on the other hand, his thinking became radicalized towards the internationalization of the anti-racist movement – ​​adding reasons for a break with the direction of this entity. This evolution of his thinking manifested itself as a response to the calamitous scenario of the War on an international level, the expansion of colonialism and the oppression of Africans and Afro-Americans – which exposed the global dimension of the “black problem”, giving even more meaning to the idea. of pan-Africanism (movement for the transnational union of Africans and people of African descent).

The organization of the 1919st Pan-African Congress, by Du Bois and co-legionists, took place in Paris in 1921, followed by editions in 1923, 1927 and 1923. The Congresses brought together leaders from the USA, the Caribbean, Africa and Europe and, taking advantage of the climate of unity for Peace in the post-war period, allowed the direct descendants of colonization and the trafficking of enslaved Africans to speak publicly for themselves, about their problems. Around the same time, Du Bois established a significant connection with the African continent (which he called “the home of people of African descent”), which he visited in XNUMX. Furthermore, he defended the participation of Africans in European colonial governments in Africa.

If, on the one hand, the Pan-Africanist movement marked an era of solidarity never before seen among the world's black population, on the other, it highlighted internal disparities; some of them arising from the rise of Jamaican Marcus Garvey as leader of the Pan-Africanist movement – ​​defending capitalist and nationalist proposals and emptying the original meaning of the meetings. Disappointment with anti-racist activism in this space led Du Bois to resume his intellectual life in Atlanta University. Furthermore, their political demonstrations became more frequent in The Crisis, and in 1933, he published statements in favor of communism and in support of the Soviet Union – which shook the already fragile relations with the other members of the NAACP.

In 1935, Du Bois published Black reconstruction in America [Black Reconstruction in the USA], one of the greatest academic studies of revolution and counterrevolution.

Du Bois's heterodox positions on the means of overcoming segregation produced reactions, increased by the radicalization of his socialist position. During this time, he supported communist groups, such as the Southern Negro Youth Congress [Congress of Southern Black Youth] (1937-1949) – focused on union support and protection of civil rights. And yet, he was a strong supporter of Josef Stalin's Soviet government – ​​stating in 1940 that although Stalinist methods were considered unpopular, they were a necessary response to the US offensive against the Revolution. According to Du Bois, the definitive solution to the problem of racial inequality lay in Marxism: a thought that managed to explain social problems based on the link between economic factors and the development of civilization in the fields of religion, literature and culture.

In the 1950s, a period of intense anti-communist persecution, Du Bois harshly criticized the capitalist system and, as part of his attempt to universalize the anti-racist struggle, visited the USSR – where he was received by Nikita Khrushchev (with whom he promoted the creation of the Institute for Russian African Studies) – and China.

However, from the founding of the Peace Information Center [Peace Information Center], created to oppose wars, such as the one in Korea, the American government began a relentless persecution of the Marxist, who began to be monitored by the country's Department of Justice, having his passport seized and, soon, being imprisoned, accused of ties with the Soviets.

Upon regaining his freedom, Du Bois began to be persecuted for his communist convictions and became isolated within his own country – even losing old allies. He then took refuge, in his final years, in Ghana, where he moved in 1961, at the invitation of then president Kwame Nkrumah (1909-1972), becoming naturalized. However, his departure for Africa did not occur without first accomplishing one of his most significant achievements in the persecutory context of the United States: his membership in the Communist Party of the USA, in 1961, through a letter in which he stated that socialism was the only hope. viable to world peace and the liberation of the black population, considering that “capitalism cannot reform itself” and that communism is “the effort” to give everyone “what they need”, as well as to demand from all “the best that each one can contribute”.

His final years of life in the Ghanaian capital, Accra, did not diminish his dedication to the study of racial and class issues involving the global black population. During this time, he was part of the Ghana Academy of Sciences and worked on the project of elaborating an old project, the writing of an African encyclopedia (African Encyclopedia) – unfinished until his death –, in addition to finishing his last autobiography (published in 1968). His self-exile in the African country was also symbolic of the process of radicalization of ideas that marked his political trajectory: the refusal to interpret the “black problem” through a nationalist bias or detached from socioeconomic issues.

Du Bois's health soon deteriorated, and he died on August 17, 1963, at the age of ninety-five, on the eve of a major civil rights march. His death was announced in the USA in front of the same crowd that watched Martin Luther King's historic speech – highlighting the great political and intellectual trajectory of the communist and anti-racist activist. He was buried near his home, in Accra (where, in 1985, the Du Bois Memorial Center).

Contributions to Marxism

The character in question is one of the greatest intellectual exponents of the anti-racist struggle in the American context, as well as one of the pioneers of the theoretical articulation between Marxism and the fight against racial discrimination. Through the ideas of “color line” and “double consciousness”, for example, Du Bois dared to overcome barriers established in the scientific thought of his time, paving the way for the process of “racialization” to be addressed from the point of view of the black American population. . If in the first concept we see a manifestation of the structural mechanisms of racism in the production of inequalities, in the second, we have the author's definition of the dubious condition of “being black”, which involves the transnational racist experience and the desire to belong to the American nation.

Du Bois's theoretical formulations were shaped by the historical times and situations of exclusion he experienced. Born in the immediate post-Civil War period of the USA, he migrated to the South of the country, witnessing the creation of racist Jim Crow laws, segregation and racial violence. On an international level, he was a witness to colonialist disputes over the African continent, as well as to the tensions of the early 20th century.

In his doctorate, he developed research on the transatlantic slave trade (1895). He later dedicated himself to thinking sociologically about the issue of black people, producing the first works focused on socio-historical analyzes that brought together the factors of race and class. In The study of the black problems (1898) and in The black Philadelphia (1899), proposed an unprecedented way to understand the “black problem” as a symptomatic aspect of the social configuration historically installed in the North of the USA, exposing the concept of “color line” – a structure of oppression based on racism and social exclusion, typical of the capitalist model, which brought with it the legacies of the global slave trade. The “black problem”, therefore, represented a series of intersecting discriminations, derived from this structure, and which reflected in conditions of precarious access to rights (educational, housing, work, health and political).

The author's concern was to think about the issue of black people from the perspective of the structure of socio-racial oppression. If his first writings still carried a kind of “liberal hope” (which linked popular ascension to merit), this cannot be separated from the time of his formation, when evolutionary pseudoscience was gaining ground and, in politics, it was at its peak. of liberal propaganda. Even so, his thinking from an early age produced innovations, which can be seen in his quest to interpret the issue of black people based on social elements – refusing the racialist, eugenic biological perspective.

Du Bois's leading role in black activism, from the 1890s onwards, also reflects this political moment. Both the Niagara Movement, as the NAACP emerged from the impulse to denounce racial violence; however, they did not advance in proposing impactful reforms that considered the situation of black people within the capitalist dimension.

It was especially after the First World War that the most evident signs of Du Bois' affiliation with Marxist thought were made, a time when the world was witnessing the devastating consequences of colonialist policy - followed by the Bolshevik Revolution, the rise of fascism, and , in the US domestic scenario, the effects of the Great Depression. The capitalist crisis mercilessly affected the poor and black population; liberal democracy, so credited as the path to a more just society, showed its perfidious face in the worsening of color and class cleavages, typical of the capitalist order.

In the meantime, Du Bois had already joined the Socialist Party and traveled enough across the European continent to emphasize that overcoming the black problem would not be achieved without radical socioeconomic reforms. His disillusionment with the “liberal hope” of the past is narrated in an autobiographical record, in which he cites knowledge of the reality of the USSR as a determining experience for his approach to socialism.

In this delicate political moment, a context marked by McCarthyism and racial violence, most of Du Bois's theoretical contributions approach Marxism indirectly - with the exception of his fictions, autobiographical accounts, the monograph The black (1915) and his classic Black reconstruction (1935), in addition to some publications in the newspaper The Crisis (which allow you to follow the content of the debates held with the black movements and the Socialist Party).

In "Marxism and the black problem” [“Marxism and the black problem”], “Karl Marx and the Negro” [“Karl Marx and the Negro”] and “Socialism and the black problem” [“Socialism and the black problem”], articles published in 1933 in The Crisis, Du Bois establishes a kind of mediation by bringing together both poles of militancy – socialism and black activism – pointing out the inconsistencies in separating the causes. Based on Marxist nomenclature itself, he offers an overview of the working class which, being fundamentally black, was divided on racial grounds; there were practically no black bourgeoisie and exploiters, in addition to the fact that the black working class faced more serious situations of precariousness, whether due to the legacy of slavery or daily discrimination.

This is the crucial point of his perception about the failure of the dissemination of socialist theories among the proletariat, a difficulty in cohesion that affected the so-called class consciousness, necessary for structural transformations – which had repercussions on adherence to the Socialist Party (still wavering in terms of recognize the color of the working class, becoming radically “anti-racist”).

In Du Bois's perception, Marxism was not formulated with a view to being applied uniformly in all parts of the world. Even though the global capitalist system operated in a common way in the production of socioeconomic cleavages, the Marxist understands that each reality presented particular formats of class struggle, due to historical processes and human actions that resulted in different situations of inequality.

In the case of the USA, the colonial and slave heritage relegated decisive marks to black groups – a trait in turn highlighted in Marx's own writings, when, in a letter addressed to President A. Lincoln, at the time of the Civil War, he reflected on the ills brought by the slavery system to the American social, political and economic system. This war, therefore, is understood by Du Bois beyond the conflict, as an important revolutionary experience - while the era of segregation, which occurred after the liberation of black people, takes on the connotation of a counter-revolutionary wave (which is seen, among other texts, in The souls of black folks, from 1903).

In the 1930s, Du Bois's reflections on Marxism highlighted his moment of reflection on anti-racist activism, in a kind of self-evaluation, given his leading role in organizations such as the NAACP. He understands that the end of the “color line” would only be achieved by overcoming the economic factor, through social reforms that establish basic rights for the working classes; the socialization of wealth and the establishment of socioeconomic equality are seen as a starting point for overcoming racial divisions. These perceptions contrasted with a large part of the black militant groups of his time, whose proposals were marked by liberal individualism (with their belief in education and individual effort as a solution to poverty and racism).

Du Bois' thought also presents elements of debate with the Marxist interpretations of his time, regarding the paths to overcoming racism and socioeconomic inequality. In addition to disagreements with the Socialist Party due to its resistance to radically dealing with the “black problem”, the American Marxist questioned the idea that revolutionary processes should be promoted by weapons: “war is terrible and hell does not bring progress in the world ” – a vision that reflects the weight on his thoughts of the tragic war events he experienced.

Comment on the work

The vast intellectual production of the black Marxist WEB Du Bois encompasses the complexity of his training in the humanities: with passage through sociology, history and literature. The author brings together more than three dozen books, which include study results, autobiographies, works of fiction and collections of texts, in addition to dozens of articles published in scientific journals. We comment below on some works with greater circulation and impact.

In the 1890s, his first studies were published dedicated to the “black problem” – that is, the various exclusion factors responsible for the marginalization of the Afro-descendant population. In “Study of the Negro problems” (The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, v. 11, Jan. 1898) and The black Philadelphia (Philadelphia: Univ. Pennsylvania Press, 1899), translated as The Philadelphia Negro (Belo Horizonte: Autêntica, 2023).

Du Bois supports, with a significant volume of empirical data, the thesis that the social condition of the black population in the USA was the result of structural factors such as racism and inequality – perceptions contrary to the hegemonic science of his time, contaminated by the false eugenic and social evolutionist, who with their biologizing notion of race held black people responsible for their ills.

Later, in 1903, we have the release of the author’s aforementioned classic: The souls of black folks (Chicago: AC McClurg e Co., 1903), translated into Portuguese in two distinct editions: first as The souls of black people (Rio de Janeiro: Lacerda Editora, 1999); then how The souls of black people (São Paulo: Veneta, 2021) – version with a preface by Silvio Almeida (one of those responsible for disseminating the concept of “structural racism” in Brazil).

In the book, Du Bois exposes in a pioneering way the idea – now widely accepted in the intellectual scene – that the historical processes that generated modernity resulted in structures of oppression with long-lasting consequences, especially for the black population. Furthermore, already a supporter of Marxism, he offers an original historical interpretation of the US Civil War, approaching the conflict as a revolutionary experience. In poetic and emotional language, he mixes historical-sociological analysis, autobiographical elements and fiction, traits that contributed to positioning the work in a prominent place in Afro-American literature.

The theoretical influence of Marxism, in the period between 1890 and 1910, is little explained, for several reasons ranging from the rise of McCarthyism to the intensification of racial violence. Furthermore, the author also demonstrates a kind of “liberal hope” – by crediting “talent” with “growth” (“uplift”) of the black person, which is visible in the concept of “talented tenth” (“talented tenth”) – a way of identifying perspectives of social ascension in a capitalist and racist society that fundamentally involved individual effort. The notion, in addition to appearing in the works already presented, makes up the collection Talented tenth: second chapter of 'The Negro problem', a collection of articles by african americans (N. York: James Pott, 1903), complementing his previous analytical work from 1898.

On the other hand, if at the time social criticism with a Marxist matrix appeared sparingly in scientific writings, it is quite evident in novels. Here, it is worth remembering Darkwater: voices from within the veil [Troubled water: voices through the veil] (N. York: Harcourt Brace, 1920), an anthology of short stories, fictions and autobiographical accounts, whose title mentions the notion of “veil”, a conceptual metaphor intended to synthesize social exclusion and color prejudice, already evident in previous writings. In his writings, he assesses the devastating consequences of color and class cleavages.

Already with John Brown (Philadelphia: George W. Jacobs, 1909), Du Bois invested in constructing a biographical account, providing a cultural interpretation of the life of the abolitionist leader and martyr in the fight against slavery that precipitated the Civil War.

Some scholars demarcate in the monograph The black, from 1915, an explicit turn by Du Bois towards Marxism. In it, as well as in successive works on black history, the author shifts his analytical gaze from the local US framework to the international level, observing the effects of colonialist expansionism, the transatlantic slave trade and the exploitation of the African continent. Such traits reaffirm his structuralist approach to racism, but also consolidate another striking element of his theoretical contribution: the idea of ​​“double consciousness”, a perception of “being black” as a dubious identity, with global and national dimensions. Du Bois' understanding of black identity, with a transnational aspect, is related to his political activism: on the one hand, Pan-Africanism, of which he was one of the creators; on the other, communism, in favor of which he took a stand throughout his life.

Also representative of Du Bois's Marxist perspective and his debates with the Socialist Party were publications in the newspaper The Crisis, in which he held editorial leadership. In them, the author establishes a kind of mediation between socialism and black activism of his time, understanding them as part of the same ideal. It also offers an assessment of the American proletariat, considering the intersectional problems that affected the black population, based on the Marxist framework. In this regard, in Karl Marx and the Negro [Karl Marx and the black man], from 1933, he reflects on the construction of post-Civil War society, showing that the slave past and the racial problem were not traits neglected by Marx when thinking about the context of the Americas.

The problematizations surrounding the weight of the Civil War, the process of gaining rights for the black population, as well as the intensification of racial violence in the moment known as “American Reconstruction” are issues worked on with greater vigor in Black reconstruction in America [Black Reconstruction in the United States of America] (N. York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1935). The work allows us to verify how Marxist theory was used by the author to think about the specific case of the USA in terms of class struggle, revolution, counter-revolution, superstructure and human agency. Du Bois takes the conflict as a revolutionary experience and, at the same time, as a starting point for the reactionaries experienced with segregation, developing an original approach that understands the enslaved as a component of the working class (and not mere property).

Of the works published in the final phase of his life, autobiographical records stand out, in which Du Bois, more than compiling events from his career, combines sociological and historical analyzes of the phases of his formation and political life. An example of this can be found in Dusk of dawn: an essay toward an autobiography of a race concept [Dusk of Dawn: Essay Around an Autobiography of the Concept of Race] (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1940). In it, Du Bois develops a narrative in which he himself is a subject and analyst, to develop the concept of “race” in its socio-historical dimensions. There you will also find the most precise details of his impressions of Marxism in relation to the “black problem”, as well as a mature analysis of his trajectory as an intellectual and activist.

In 1961, when he was moving to Ghana, Du Bois wrote a letter to the Communist Party of the USA – “Letter from WEB Du Bois to Communist Party of the USA. "(https://credo.library.umass.edu) – requesting your membership. In correspondence, he states that his path towards communism was slow and that, although he had long considered himself a socialist, he had not systematically studied Marx's work during his early training; but that, after his disillusionment with the Socialist Party and deeper readings of Marxism, as well as his visits to socialist countries and the experience of living in the USA during the Cold War, he had clearly perceived the inability of capitalism to reform itself. Paradoxically, it was precisely when communism became a crime in the USA that Du Bois made a point of expressing his conviction as a communist to the world – through a letter that, more than a request for membership, is a manifesto against the criminalization of utopia concrete form of a classless and emancipated society.

His last autobiography, The autobiography of WE Burghardt Du Bois [The Autobiography of WE Burghardt Du Bois] (N. York: International Publishers, 1968) was completed on the eve of his death (1963) and published posthumously. In it, following the tone of previous texts, he mixes with the autobiographical narrative elements of analysis of the historical processes he went through, emphasizing social criticism always accompanied by the bias of the “color line”.

In Portuguese, it is worth mentioning translations of his articles in the newspaper The Crisis, recently published in the magazine Marxist Criticism, in a dossier entitled “WEB Du Bois: Marx, Marxism and Communism” (Marxist Criticism, n. 53, 2021), organized by Sávio Cavalcante and available online (www.ifch.unicamp.br), including texts such as: “Marxism and the problem of the black” (1933), in which he questions a black struggle along liberal lines, defending the idea of ​​class struggle.

There is also in Portuguese his already presented letter to the Communist Party of the USA: “Why I became a communist” (2020), available on the portal of the Brazilian branch of the American magazine Jacobin (jacobin.com.br).

*Noemi Santos da Silva is a history professor at the State University of Ponta Grossa.

*Jônatas Oliveira Pantoja He has a PhD in sociology from USP.

Originally published on the Praxis Nucleus-USP [nucleopraxisusp.org].


CARSON, Edward; HORNE, Gerald; SINITIERE, Phillip Luke. Socialism and democracy in WEB Du Bois's life, thought, and legacy. New York: Routledge, 2020.

CAVALCANTE, Savio. “Presentation: WEB Du Bois, Marxism and Communism”. Marxist Criticism (Dossier), n. 53, 2021.

CHALHOUB, Sydney. The politics of ambiguity: conditional manumission, labor contracts, and slave emancipation in Brazil. International Review of Social History, n. 60, 2015.

FLOR, Cauê Gomes. Race, culture and belonging: the emergence of the notion of African diaspora. Social Science – Unisinos, vol. 55, no. 3, 2019.

GILROY, Paul. The black Atlantic: modernity and double consciousness. São Paulo: Editora 34, 2001.

HORNE, Gerald. WEB Du Bois, a biography. Santa Barbara: Greewood Press, 2010.

LEWIS, David Levering. WEB Du Bois: biography of a race. New York: H. Holt, 1993.

MORRIS, Aldon D. The scholar denied: WEB Du Bois and the birth of modern sociology. Oakland: Univ. California Press, 2015.

MOURA, CP; BERNARDINO-COSTA, J.. “Presentation to the Brazilian version”. In: DU BOIS, WE B. The Philadelphia Negro. Belo Horizonte: Authentic, 2023.

PATTERSON, Tiffany, KELLEY, Robin. “Unfinished migrations: reflections on the African diaspora and the making of the Modern World”. African Studies Review, no. 43, 2000.

SAMAN, Michael J. “Du Bois and Marx, Du Bois and marxism,” Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race, v. 17, no. 1, Aug. 2020.

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